If you think you are informed about the war in Iraq and haven't read this, you are not. If you think you support the troops and haven't read this, you aren't. If you cast your vote for commander in chief without reading this you are voting in ignorance. It explains exactly why an Army infantryman like me is voting Kerry.
Does that sound too dramatic? yeah. But read it anyway.
I got it from http://www.epic-usa.org/Default.aspx?tabid=185. It was in the Atlantic Monthly:
Blind Into Baghdad
The U.S. occupation of Iraq is a debacle not because the government did no planning but because a vast amount of expert planning was willfully ignored by the people in charge.
The inside story of a historic failure
by JAMES FALLOWS
January/February 2004 Issue
The Atlantic Monthly
On a Friday afternoon last November, I met Douglas Feith in his office at the Pentagon to discuss what has happened in Iraq. Feith's title is undersecretary of defense for policy, which places him, along with several other undersecretaries, just below Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary Paul Wolfowitz in the Pentagon's hierarchy.
Informally he is seen in Washington as "Wolfowitz's Wolfowitz"—that is, as a deputy who has a wide range of responsibilities but is clearly identified with one particular policy. That policy is bringing regime change to Iraq—a goal that both Wolfowitz and Feith strongly advocated through the 1990s. To opponents of the war in Iraq, Feith is one of several shadowy, Rasputinlike figures who are shaping U.S. policy. He is seen much the way enemies of the Clinton Administration saw Hillary Clinton. Others associated with the Bush Administration who are seen this way include the consultant Richard Perle; Lewis "Scooter" Libby, the chief of staff for Vice President Dick Cheney; and the Vice President himself. What these officials have in common is their presumably great private influence and—even in the case of the Vice President—their limited public visibility and accountability.
In person Douglas Feith is nothing like Rasputin. Between a Reagan-era stint in the Pentagon and his current job he was a Washington lawyer for fifteen years, and he answered my questions with a lawyer's affability in the face of presumed disagreement. I could be biased in Feith's favor, because he was the most senior Administration official who granted my request for an interview about postwar Iraq. Like Donald Rumsfeld, Feith acts and sounds younger than many others of his age (fifty). But distinctly unlike Rumsfeld at a press conference, Feith in this interview did not seem at all arrogant or testy. His replies were relatively candid and unforced, in contrast to the angry or relentlessly on-message responses that have become standard from senior Administration officials. He acknowledged what was "becoming the conventional wisdom" about the Administration's failure to plan adequately for events after the fall of Baghdad, and then explained—with animation, dramatic pauses, and gestures—why he thought it was wrong.
Feith offered a number of specific illustrations of what he considered underappreciated successes. Some were familiar —the oil wells weren't on fire, Iraqis didn't starve or flee—but others were less so. For instance, he described the Administration's careful effort to replace old Iraqi dinars, which carried Saddam Hussein's image ("It's interesting how important that is, and it ties into the whole issue of whether people think that Saddam might be coming back"), with a new form of currency, without causing a run on the currency.
But mainly he challenged the premise of most critics: that the Administration could have done a better job of preparing for the consequences of victory. When I asked what had gone better than expected, and what had gone worse, he said, "We don't exactly deal in 'expectations.' Expectations are too close to 'predictions.' We're not comfortable with predictions. It is one of the big strategic premises of the work that we do."
The limits of future knowledge, Feith said, were of special importance to Rumsfeld, "who is death to predictions." "His big strategic theme is uncertainty," Feith said. "The need to deal strategically with uncertainty. The inability to predict the future. The limits on our knowledge and the limits on our intelligence."
In practice, Feith said, this meant being ready for whatever proved to be the situation in postwar Iraq. "You will not find a single piece of paper ... If anybody ever went through all of our records—and someday some people will, presumably—nobody will find a single piece of paper that says, 'Mr. Secretary or Mr. President, let us tell you what postwar Iraq is going to look like, and here is what we need plans for.' If you tried that, you would get thrown out of Rumsfeld's office so fast—if you ever went in there and said, 'Let me tell you what something's going to look like in the future,' you wouldn't get to your next sentence!"
"This is an important point," he said, "because of this issue of What did we believe? ... The common line is, nobody planned for security because Ahmed Chalabi told us that everything was going to be swell." Chalabi, the exiled leader of the Iraqi National Congress, has often been blamed for making rosy predictions about the ease of governing postwar Iraq. "So we predicted that everything was going to be swell, and we didn't plan for things not being swell." Here Feith paused for a few seconds, raised his hands with both palms up, and put on a "Can you believe it?" expression. "I mean—one would really have to be a simpleton. And whatever people think of me, how can anybody think that Don Rumsfeld is that dumb? He's so evidently not that dumb, that how can people write things like that?" He sounded amazed rather than angry.
No one contends that Donald Rumsfeld, or Paul Wolfowitz, or Douglas Feith, or the Administration as a whole is dumb. The wisdom of their preparations for the aftermath of military victory in Iraq is the question. Feith's argument was a less defensive-sounding version of the Administration's general response to criticisms of its postwar policy: Life is uncertain, especially when the lid comes off a long-tyrannized society. American planners did about as well as anyone could in preparing for the unforeseeable. Anyone who says otherwise is indulging in lazy, unfair second-guessing. "The notion that there was a memo that was once written, that if we had only listened to that memo, all would be well in Iraq, is so preposterous," Feith told me.
The notion of a single memo's changing history is indeed farfetched. The idea that a substantial body of knowledge could have improved postwar prospects is not. The Administration could not have known everything about what it would find in Iraq. But it could have—and should have—done far more than it did.
Almost everything, good and bad, that has happened in Iraq since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime was the subject of extensive pre-war discussion and analysis. This is particularly true of what have proved to be the harshest realities for the United States since the fall of Baghdad: that occupying the country is much more difficult than conquering it; that a breakdown in public order can jeopardize every other goal; that the ambition of patiently nurturing a new democracy is at odds with the desire to turn control over to the Iraqis quickly and get U.S. troops out; that the Sunni center of the country is the main security problem; that with each passing day Americans risk being seen less as liberators and more as occupiers, and targets.
All this, and much more, was laid out in detail and in writing long before the U.S. government made the final decision to attack. Even now the collective efforts at planning by the CIA, the State Department, the Army and the Marine Corps, the United States Agency for International Development, and a wide variety of other groups inside and outside the government are underappreciated by the public. The one pre-war effort that has received substantial recent attention, the State Department's Future of Iraq project, produced thousands of pages of findings, barely one paragraph of which has until now been quoted in the press. The Administration will be admired in retrospect for how much knowledge it created about the challenge it was taking on. U.S. government predictions about postwar Iraq's problems have proved as accurate as the assessments of pre-war Iraq's strategic threat have proved flawed.
But the Administration will be condemned for what it did with what was known. The problems the United States has encountered are precisely the ones its own expert agencies warned against. Exactly what went wrong with the occupation will be studied for years—or should be. The missteps of the first half year in Iraq are as significant as other classic and carefully examined failures in foreign policy, including John Kennedy's handling of the Bay of Pigs invasion, in 1961, and Lyndon Johnson's decision to escalate U.S. involvement in Vietnam, in 1965. The United States withstood those previous failures, and it will withstand this one. Having taken over Iraq and captured Saddam Hussein, it has no moral or practical choice other than to see out the occupation and to help rebuild and democratize the country. But its missteps have come at a heavy cost. And the ongoing financial, diplomatic, and human cost of the Iraq occupation is the more grievous in light of advance warnings the government had.
Before September 11, 2001: The Early Days
Concern about Saddam Hussein pre-dated the 9/11 attacks and even the inauguration of George W. Bush. In 1998 Congress passed and President Bill Clinton signed the Iraq Liberation Act, which declared that "it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power." During the 2000 presidential campaign Al Gore promised to support groups working to unseat Saddam Hussein. In the week before Bush took office, Nicholas Lemann reported in The New Yorker that "the idea of overthrowing Saddam is not an idle fantasy—or, if it is, it's one that has lately occupied the minds of many American officials, including people close to George W. Bush." But the intellectual case for regime change, argued during the Clinton years by some Democrats and notably by Paul Wolfowitz, then the dean of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, shifted clearly toward operational planning after the destruction of the World Trade Center.
For much of the public this case for war against Iraq rested on an assumed connection (though this was never demonstrated, and was officially disavowed by the President) between Saddam Hussein's regime and the terrorist hijackers. Within the government the case was equally compelling but different. September 11 had shown that the United States was newly vulnerable; to protect itself it had to fight terrorists at their source; and because Saddam Hussein's regime was the leading potential source of future "state-sponsored" terrorism, it had become an active threat, whether or not it played any role in 9/11. The very next day, September 12, 2001, James Woolsey, who had been Clinton's first CIA director, told me that no matter who proved to be responsible for this attack, the solution had to include removing Saddam Hussein, because he was so likely to be involved next time. A military planner inside the Pentagon later told me that on September 13 his group was asked to draw up scenarios for an assault on Iraq, not just Afghanistan.
Soon after becoming the Army Chief of Staff, in 1999, General Eric Shinseki had begun ordering war-game exercises to judge strategies and manpower needs for possible combat in Iraq. This was not because he assumed a war was imminent. He thought that the greater Caspian Sea region, including Iraq, would present a uniquely difficult challenge for U.S. troops, because of its geography and political tensions. After 9/11, Army war games involving Iraq began in earnest.
In his first State of the Union address, on January 29, 2002, President Bush said that Iraq, Iran, and North Korea were an "axis of evil" that threatened world peace. "By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States."
By the time of this speech efforts were afoot not simply to remove Saddam Hussein but also to imagine what Iraq would be like when he was gone. In late October of 2001, while the U.S. military was conducting its rout of the Taliban from Afghanistan, the State Department had quietly begun its planning for the aftermath of a "transition" in Iraq. At about the time of the "axis of evil" speech, working groups within the department were putting together a list of postwar jobs and topics to be considered, and possible groups of experts to work on them.
One Year Before the War: The "Future of Iraq"
Thus was born the Future of Iraq project, whose existence is by now well known, but whose findings and potential impact have rarely been reported and examined. The State Department first publicly mentioned the project in March of 2002, when it quietly announced the lineup of the working groups. At the time, media attention was overwhelmingly directed toward Afghanistan, where Operation Anaconda, the half-successful effort to kill or capture al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters, was under way.
For several months before announcing the project the State Department had been attempting to coordinate the efforts of the many fractious Iraqi exile organizations. The Future of Iraq project held the potential for harnessing, and perhaps even harmonizing, the expertise available from the exile groups.
It was also in keeping with a surprisingly well established U.S. government tradition of preparing for postwar duties before there was a clear idea of when fighting would begin, let alone when it would end. Before the United States entered World War II, teams at the Army War College were studying what went right and wrong when American doughboys occupied Germany after World War I. Within months of the attack on Pearl Harbor a School of Military Government had been created, at the University of Virginia, to plan for the occupation of both Germany and Japan. In 1995, while U.S. negotiators, led by Richard Holbrooke, were still working at the Dayton peace talks to end the war in the Balkans, World Bank representatives were on hand to arrange loans for the new regimes.
Contemplating postwar plans posed a problem for those who, like many in the State Department, were skeptical of the need for war. Were they making a war more likely if they prepared for its aftermath? Thomas Warrick, the State Department official who directed the Future of Iraq project, was considered to be in the antiwar camp. But according to associates, he explained the importance of preparing for war by saying, "I'm nervous that they're actually going to do it—and the day after they'll turn to us and ask, 'Now what?'" So he pushed ahead with the project, setting up numerous conferences and drafting sessions that would bring together teams of exiles—among them Kanan Makiya, the author of the influential anti-Saddam book Republic of Fear, first published in 1989. A small number of "international advisers," mainly from the United States, were also assigned to the teams. Eventually there would be seventeen working groups, designed systematically to cover what would be needed to rebuild the political and economic infrastructure of the country. "Democratic Principles and Procedures" was the name of one of the groups, which was assigned to suggest the legal framework for a new government; Makiya would write much of its report. The "Transitional Justice" group was supposed to work on reparations, amnesty, and de-Baathification laws. Groups studying economic matters included "Public Finance," "Oil and Energy," and "Water, Agriculture and Environment."
In May of 2002 Congress authorized $5 million to fund the project's studies. In the flurry of news from Afghanistan the project went unnoticed in the press until June, when the State Department announced that the first meetings would take place in July. "The role of the U.S. government and State Department is to see what the Iraqis and Iraqi-Americans want," Warrick said at a conference on June 1, 2002. "The impetus for change comes from [Iraqis], not us. This is the job of Iraqis inside and outside."
That same day President Bush delivered a graduation speech at West Point, giving a first look at the doctrine of pre-emptive war. He told the cadets, to cheers, "Our security will require all Americans to be forward-looking and resolute, to be ready for pre-emptive action when necessary to defend our liberty and to defend our lives." Later in the summer the doctrine was elaborated in a new National Security Strategy, which explained that since "rogue states" could not be contained or deterred, they needed to be destroyed before they could attack.
Whenever National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice was interviewed that summer, she talked mainly about the thinking behind the new policy. When Vice President Dick Cheney was interviewed, he talked mainly about Saddam Hussein's defiance of international law. But when Secretary of State Colin Powell was interviewed, he constantly stressed the value of an international approach to the problem and the need to give UN arms inspectors adequate time to do their job.
War with Iraq was not inevitable at this point, but it seemed more and more likely. Daily conversation in Washington, which usually reverts to "So, who do you think will be the next President?," switched instead to "So, when do you think we're going to war?"
It was in these circumstances that the Future of Iraq project's working groups deliberated. Most of the meetings were in Washington. Some were in London, and one session, in early September, took place in Surrey, where representatives of a dozen mutually suspicious exile groups discussed prospects for democratic coexistence when Saddam Hussein was gone. (Along with Chalabi's INC the meeting included several rival Kurdish groups, Assyrian and Turkomen organizations, the Iraqi Constitutional Monarchy Movement, and others.)
The project did not overcome all the tensions among its members, and the results of its deliberations were uneven. Three of its intended working groups never actually met—including, ominously, "Preserving Iraq's Cultural Heritage." The "Education" group finally produced a report only six pages long, in contrast to many hundreds of pages from most others. Some recommendations were quirky or reflected the tastes of the individual participants who drafted them. A report titled "Free Media" proposed that all Iraqi journalists be taken out of the country for a month-long re-education process: "Those who 'get it' go back as reporters; others would be retired or reassigned." A group that was considering ways of informing Iraq about the realities of democracy mentioned Baywatch and Leave It to Beaver as information sources that had given Iraqis an imprecise understanding of American society. It recommended that a new film, Colonial America: Life in a Theocracy, be shot, noting, "The Puritan experiments provide amazing parallels with current Moslem fundamentalism. The ultimate failures of these US experiments can also be vividly illustrated—witch trials, intolerance, etc."
But whatever may have been unrealistic or factional about these efforts, even more of what the project created was impressive. The final report consisted of thirteen volumes of recommendations on specific topics, plus a one-volume summary and overview. These I have read—and I read them several months into the occupation, when it was unfairly easy to judge how well the forecast was standing up. (Several hundred of the 2,500 pages were in Arabic, which sped up the reading process.) The report was labeled "For Official Use Only"—an administrative term that implies confidentiality but has no legal significance. The State Department held the report closely until, last fall, it agreed to congressional requests to turn over the findings.
Most of the project's judgments look good in retrospect—and virtually all reveal a touching earnestness about working out the details of reconstructing a society. For instance, one of the thickest volumes considered the corruption endemic in Iraqi life and laid out strategies for coping with it. (These included a new "Iraqi Government Code of Ethics," which began, "Honesty, integrity, and fairness are the fundamental values for the people of Iraq.") The overview volume, which appears to have been composed as a series of PowerPoint charts, said that the United States was undertaking this effort because, among other things, "detailed public planning" conveys U.S. government "seriousness" and the message that the U.S. government "wants to learn from past regime change experiences."
For their part, the Iraqi participants emphasized several points that ran through all the working groups' reports. A recurring theme was the urgency of restoring electricity and water supplies as soon as possible after regime change. The first item in the list of recommendations from the "Water, Agriculture and Environment" group read, "Fundamental importance of clean water supplies for Iraqis immediately after transition. Key to coalition/community relations." One of the groups making economic recommendations wrote, "Stressed importance of getting electrical grid up and running immediately—key to water systems, jobs. Could go a long way to determining Iraqis' attitudes toward Coalition forces."
A second theme was the need to plan carefully for the handling and demobilization of Iraq's very sizable military. On the one hand, a functioning army would be necessary for public order and, once coalition forces withdrew, for the country's defense. ("Our vision of the future is to build a democratic civil society. In order to make this vision a reality, we need to have an army that can work alongside this new society.") On the other hand, a large number of Saddam's henchmen would have to be removed. The trick would be to get rid of the leaders without needlessly alienating the ordinary troops—or leaving them without income. One group wrote, "All combatants who are included in the demobilization process must be assured by their leaders and the new government of their legal rights and that new prospects for work and education will be provided by the new system." Toward this end it laid out a series of steps the occupation authorities should take in the "disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration" process. Another group, in a paper on democratic principles, warned, "The decommissioning of hundreds of thousands of trained military personnel that [a rapid purge] implies could create social problems."
Next the working groups emphasized how disorderly Iraq would be soon after liberation, and how difficult it would be to get the country on the path to democracy—though that was where it had to go. "The removal of Saddam's regime will provide a power vacuum and create popular anxieties about the viability of all Iraqi institutions," a paper on rebuilding civil society said. "The traumatic and disruptive events attendant to the regime change will affect all Iraqis, both Saddam's conspirators and the general populace." Another report warned more explicitly that "the period immediately after regime change might offer these criminals the opportunity to engage in acts of killing, plunder and looting." In the short term the occupying forces would have to prevent disorder. In the long term, according to a report written by Kanan Makiya, they would need to recognize that "the extent of the Iraqi totalitarian state, its absolute power and control exercised from Baghdad, not to mention the terror used to enforce compliance, cannot be overestimated in their impact on the Iraqi psyche and the attendant feeling of fear, weakness, and shame." Makiya continued, "These conditions and circumstances do not provide a strong foundation on which to build new institutions and a modern nation state."
Each of the preceding themes would seem to imply a long, difficult U.S. commitment in Iraq. America should view its involvement in Iraq, the summary report said, not as it had Afghanistan, which was left to stew in lightly supervised warlordism, but as it had Germany and Japan, which were rebuilt over many years. But nearly every working group stressed one other point: the military occupation itself had to be brief. "Note: Military government idea did not go down well," one chart in the summary volume said. The "Oil and Energy" group presented a "key concept": "Iraqis do not work for American contractors; Americans are seen assisting Iraqis."
Americans are often irritated by the illogic of "resentful dependence" by weaker states. South Koreans, for example, complain bitterly about U.S. soldiers in their country but would complain all the more bitterly if the soldiers were removed. The authors of the Future of Iraq report could by those standards also be accused of illogical thinking, in wanting U.S. support but not wanting U.S. control. Moreover, many of the project's members had a bias that prefigured an important source of postwar tension: they were exiles who considered themselves the likeliest beneficiaries if the United States transferred power to Iraqis quickly—even though, precisely because of their exile, they had no obvious base of support within Iraq.
To skip ahead in the story: As chaos increased in Baghdad last summer, the chief U.S. administrator, L. Paul "Jerry" Bremer, wrestled constantly with a variant of this exile paradox. The Iraqi Governing Council, whose twenty-five members were chosen by Americans, was supposed to do only the preparatory work for an elected Iraqi government. But the greater the pressure on Bremer for "Iraqification," the more tempted he was to give in to the council's demand that he simply put it in charge without waiting for an election. More than a year earlier, long before combat began, the explicit recommendations and implicit lessons of the Future of Iraq project had given the U.S. government a very good idea of what political conflicts it could expect in Iraq.
Ten Months Before the War: War Games and Warnings
As combat slowed in Afghanistan and the teams of the Future of Iraq project continued their deliberations, the U.S. government put itself on a wartime footing. In late May the CIA had begun what would become a long series of war-game exercises, to think through the best- and worst-case scenarios after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. According to a person familiar with the process, one recurring theme in the exercises was the risk of civil disorder after the fall of Baghdad. The exercises explored how to find and secure the weapons of mass destruction that were then assumed to be in and around Baghdad, and indicated that the hardest task would be finding and protecting scientists who knew about the weapons before they could be killed by the regime as it was going down.
The CIA also considered whether a new Iraqi government could be put together through a process like the Bonn conference, which was then being used to devise a post-Taliban regime for Afghanistan. At the Bonn conference representatives of rival political and ethic groups agreed on the terms that established Hamid Karzai as the new Afghan President. The CIA believed that rivalries in Iraq were so deep, and the political culture so shallow, that a similarly quick transfer of sovereignty would only invite chaos.
Representatives from the Defense Department were among those who participated in the first of these CIA war-game sessions. When their Pentagon superiors at the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) found out about this, in early summer, the representatives were reprimanded and told not to participate further. "OSD" is Washington shorthand, used frequently in discussions about the origins of Iraq war plans, and it usually refers to strong guidance from Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Feith, and one of Feith's deputies, William Luti. Their displeasure over the CIA exercise was an early illustration of a view that became stronger throughout 2002: that postwar planning was an impediment to war.
Because detailed thought about the postwar situation meant facing costs and potential problems, and thus weakened the case for launching a "war of choice" (the Washington term for a war not waged in immediate self-defense), it could be seen as an "antiwar" undertaking. The knowledge that U.S. soldiers would still be in Germany and Japan sixty-plus years after Pearl Harbor would obviously not have changed the decision to enter World War II, and in theory the Bush Administration could have presented the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in a similar way: as a job that had to be done, even though it might saddle Americans with costs and a military presence for decades to come. Everyone can think of moments when Bush or Rumsfeld has reminded the nation that this would be a long-term challenge. But during the months when the Administration was making its case for the war—successfully to Congress, less so to the United Nations—it acted as if the long run should be thought about only later on.
On July 31, 2002, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee invited a panel of experts to discuss the case for war against Iraq. On August 1 it heard from other experts about the likely "day after" consequences of military victory. Senator Joseph Biden, a Democrat from Delaware, was then the chairman of the committee. That first day Biden said that the threat of WMD might force him to vote in favor of the war (as he ultimately did). But he worried that if the United States invaded without full allied support, "we may very well radicalize the rest of the world, we may pick up a bill that's $70 billion, $80 billion, we may have to have extensive commitment of U.S. forces for an extended period of time in Iraq."
Phebe Marr, an Iraq scholar retired from the National Defense University, told the committee that the United States "should assume that it cannot get the results it wants on the cheap" from regime change. "It must be prepared to put some troops on the ground, advisers to help create new institutions, and above all, time and effort in the future to see the project through to a satisfactory end. If the United States is not willing to do so, it had best rethink the project." Rend Rahim Francke, an Iraqi exile serving on the Future of Iraq project (and now the ambassador from Iraq to the United States), said that "the system of public security will break down, because there will be no functioning police force, no civil service, and no justice system" on the first day after the fighting. "There will be a vacuum of political authority and administrative authority," she said. "The infrastructure of vital sectors will have to be restored. An adequate police force must be trained and equipped as quickly as possible. And the economy will have to be jump-started from not only stagnation but devastation." Other witnesses discussed the need to commit U.S. troops for many years—but to begin turning constitutional authority over to the Iraqis within six months. The upshot of the hearings was an emphasis on the short-term importance of security, the medium-term challenge of maintaining control while transferring sovereignty to the Iraqis, and the long-term reality of commitments and costs. All the experts agreed that what came after the fall of Baghdad would be harder for the United States than what came before.
Six Months Before the War: Getting Serious
One week before Labor Day, while President Bush was at his ranch in Texas, Vice President Cheney gave a speech at a Veterans of Foreign Wars convention in Nashville. "There is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction [and that he will use them] against our friends, against our allies, and against us," Cheney said. Time was running out, he concluded, for America to remove this threat. A few days later CNN quoted a source "intimately familiar with [Colin] Powell's thinking" as saying that Powell was still insistent on the need for allied support and would oppose any war in which the United States would "go it alone ... as if it doesn't give a damn" about other nations' views. Just after Labor Day, Powell apparently won a battle inside the Administration and persuaded Bush to take the U.S. case to the United Nations. On September 12 Bush addressed the UN General Assembly and urged it to insist on Iraqi compliance with its previous resolutions concerning disarmament.
Before the war the Administration exercised remarkable "message discipline" about financial projections. When asked how much the war might cost, officials said that so many things were uncertain, starting with whether there would even be a war, that there was no responsible way to make an estimate. In part this reflected Rumsfeld's emphasis on the unknowability of the future. It was also politically essential, in delaying the time when the Administration had to argue that regime change in Iraq was worth a specific number of billions of dollars.
In September, Lawrence Lindsay, then the chief White House economic adviser, broke discipline. He was asked by The Wall Street Journal how much a war and its aftermath might cost. He replied that it might end up at one to two percent of the gross domestic product, which would mean $100 billion to $200 billion. Lindsay added that he thought the cost of not going to war could conceivably be greater—but that didn't placate his critics within the Administration. The Administration was further annoyed by a report a few days later from Democrats on the House Budget Committee, which estimated the cost of the war at $48 billion to $93 billion. Lindsay was widely criticized in "background" comments from Administration officials, and by the end of the year he had been forced to resign. His comment "made it clear Larry just didn't get it," an unnamed Administration official told The Washington Post when Lindsay left. Lindsay's example could hardly have encouraged others in the Administration to be forthcoming with financial projections. Indeed, no one who remained in the Administration offered a plausible cost estimate until months after the war began.
In September the United States Agency for International Development began to think in earnest about its postwar responsibilities in Iraq. It was the natural contact for nongovernmental organizations, or NGOs, from the United States and other countries that were concerned with relief efforts in Iraq.
USAID's administrator, Andrew Natsios, came to the assignment with a complex set of experiences and instincts. He started his career, in the 1970s, as a Republican state legislator in Massachusetts, and before the Bush Administration he had been the administrator of the state's "Big Dig," the largest public-works effort ever in the country. Before the Big Dig, Natsios spent five years as an executive at a major humanitarian NGO called World Vision. He also served in the Persian Gulf during the 1991 Gulf War, as an Army Reserve officer. By background he was the Administration official best prepared to anticipate the combination of wartime and postwar obligations in Iraq.
At any given moment USAID is drawing up contingency plans for countries that might soon need help. "I actually have a list, which I will not show you," Natsios told me in the fall, "of countries where there may not be American troops soon, but they could fall apart—and if they do, what we could do for them." By mid-September of 2002, six months before the official beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom, Natsios had additional teams working on plans for Iraq. Representatives of about a dozen relief organizations and NGOs were gathering each week at USAID headquarters for routine coordination meetings. Iraq occupied more and more of their time through 2002. On October 10, one day before Congress voted to authorize the war, the meetings were recast as the Iraq Working Group.
Five Months Before the War: Occupiers or Liberators?
The weekly meetings at USAID quickly settled into a pattern. The representatives of the NGOs would say, "We've dealt with situations like this before, and we know what to expect." The U.S. government representatives would either say nothing or else reply, No, this time it will be different.
The NGOs had experience dealing with a reality that has not fully sunk in for most of the American public. In the nearly three decades since U.S. troops left Vietnam, the American military has fought only two wars as most people understand the term: the two against Saddam Hussein's Iraq. But through the past thirty years U.S. troops have almost continuously been involved in combat somewhere. Because those engagements—in Grenada, Lebanon, Panama, Haiti, Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and elsewhere—have no obvious connection with one another, politicians and the public usually discuss them as stand-alone cases. Each one seems an aberration from the "real" wars the military is set up to fight.
To the NGO world, these and other modern wars (like the ones in Africa) are not the exception but the new norm: brutal localized encounters that destroy the existing political order and create a need for long-term international supervision and support. Within the U.S. military almost no one welcomes this reality, but many recognize that peacekeeping, policing, and, yes, nation-building are now the expected military tasks. The military has gotten used to working alongside the NGOs—and the NGOs were ready with a checklist of things to worry about once the regime had fallen.
An even larger question about historical precedent began to surface. When Administration officials talked about models for what would happen in Iraq, they almost always referred to the lasting success in Japan and Germany—or else to countries of the former Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe. (A civilian adviser who went to Baghdad early in the occupation recalls looking at his fellow passengers on the military transport plane. The ones who weren't asleep or flipping through magazines were reading books about Japan or Germany, not about the Arab world. "That was not a good sign," he told me.) If one thought of Iraq as Poland, or as the former East Germany, or as the former Czechoslovakia, or as almost any part of the onetime Soviet empire in Eastern Europe other than Romania, one would naturally conclude that regime change in itself would set the country well along the path toward recovery. These countries were fine once their repressive leaders were removed; so might Iraq well be. And if the former Yugoslavia indicated darker possibilities, that could be explained as yet another failure of Clinton-era foreign policy.
Many NGO representatives assumed that postwar recovery would not be so automatic, and that they should begin working on preparations before the combat began. "At the beginning our main message was the need for access," I was told by Sandra Mitchell, the vice-president of the International Rescue Committee, who attended the USAID meetings.
Because of U.S. sanctions against Iraq, it was illegal for American humanitarian organizations to operate there. (Journalists were about the only category of Americans who would not get in trouble with their own government by traveling to and spending money in Iraq.) "Our initial messages were like those in any potential crisis situation," Mitchell said, "but the reason we were so insistent in this case was the precarious situation that already existed in Iraq. The internal infrastructure was shot, and you couldn't easily swing in resources from neighboring countries, like in the Balkans." The NGOs therefore asked, as a first step, for a presidential directive exempting them from the sanctions. They were told to expect an answer to this request by December. That deadline passed with no ruling. By early last year the NGOs felt that it was too dangerous to go to Iraq, and the Administration feared that if they went they might be used as hostages. No directive was ever issued.
Through the fall and winter of 2002 the International Rescue Committee, Refugees International, InterAction, and other groups that met with USAID kept warning about one likely postwar problem that, as it turned out, Iraq avoided—a mass flow of refugees—and another that was exactly as bad as everyone warned: the lawlessness and looting of the "day after" in Baghdad. The Bush Administration would later point to the absence of refugees as a sign of the occupation's underreported success. This achievement was, indeed, due in part to a success: the speed and precision of the military campaign itself. But the absence of refugees was also a sign of a profound failure: the mistaken estimates of Iraq's WMD threat. All pre-war scenarios involving huge movements of refugees began with the assumption that Saddam Hussein would use chemical or biological weapons against U.S. troops or his own Kurdish or Shiite populations—and that either the fact or the fear of such assaults would force terrified Iraqis to evacuate.
The power vacuum that led to looting was disastrous. "The looting was not a surprise," Sandra Mitchell told me. "It should not have come as a surprise. Anyone who has witnessed the fall of a regime while another force is coming in on a temporary basis knows that looting is standard procedure. In Iraq there were very strong signals that this could be the period of greatest concern for humanitarian response." One lesson of postwar reconstruction through the 1990s was that even a short period of disorder could have long-lasting effects.
The meetings at USAID gave the veterans of international relief operations a way to register their concerns. The problem was that they heard so little back. "The people in front of us were very well-meaning," says Joel Charny, who represented Refugees International at the meetings. "And in fairness, they were on such a short leash. But the dialogue was one-way. We would tell them stuff, and they would nod and say, Everything's under control. To me it was like the old four-corners offense in basketball. They were there to just dribble out the clock but be able to say they'd consulted with us."
And again the question arose of whether what lay ahead in Iraq would be similar to the other "small wars" of the previous decade-plus or something new. If it was similar, the NGOs had their checklists ready. These included, significantly, the obligations placed on any "occupying power" by the Fourth Geneva Convention, which was signed in 1949 and is mainly a commonsense list of duties—from protecting hospitals to minimizing postwar reprisals—that a victorious army must carry out. "But we were corrected when we raised this point," Sandra Mitchell says. "The American troops would be 'liberators' rather than 'occupiers,' so the obligations did not apply. Our point was not to pass judgment on the military action but to describe the responsibilities."
In the same mid-October week that the Senate approved the war resolution, a team from the Strategic Studies Institute at the Army War College, in Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, began a postwar-planning exercise. Even more explicitly than the NGOs, the Army team insisted that America's military past, reaching back to its conquest of the Philippines, in 1898, would be a useful guide to its future duties in Iraq. As a rule, professional soldiers spend more time thinking and talking about history than other people do; past battles are the only real evidence about doctrine and equipment. The institute—in essence, the War College's think tank—was charged with reviewing recent occupations to help the Army "best address the requirements that will necessarily follow operational victory in a war with Iraq," as the institute's director later said in a foreword to the team's report. "As the possibility of war with Iraq looms on the horizon, it is important to look beyond the conflict to the challenges of occupying the country."
The study's principal authors were Conrad Crane, who graduated from West Point in the early 1970s and taught there as a history professor through the 1990s, and Andrew Terrill, an Army Reserve officer and a strategic-studies professor. With a team of other researchers, which included representatives from the Army and the joint staff as well as other government agencies and think tanks, they began high-speed work on a set of detailed recommendations about postwar priorities. The Army War College report was also connected to a pre-war struggle with yet another profound postwar consequence: the fight within the Pentagon, between the civilian leadership in OSD and the generals running the Army, over the size and composition of the force that would conquer Iraq.
Four Months Before the War: The Battle in the Pentagon
On November 5, 2002, the Republicans regained control of the Senate and increased their majority in the House in national midterm elections. On November 8 the UN Security Council voted 15-0 in favor of Resolution 1441, threatening Iraq with "serious consequences" if it could not prove that it had abandoned its weapons programs.
Just before 9/11 Donald Rumsfeld had been thought of as standing on a banana peel. The newspapers were full of leaked anonymous complaints from military officials who thought that his efforts to streamline and "transform" the Pentagon were unrealistic and damaging. But with his dramatic metamorphosis from embattled Secretary of Defense to triumphant Secretary of War, Rumsfeld's reputation outside the Administration and his influence within it rose. He was operating from a position of great power when, in November, he decided to "cut the TPFDD."
"Tipfid" is how people in the military pronounce the acronym for "time-phased force and deployment data," but what it really means to the armed forces, in particular the Army, is a way of doing business that is methodical, careful, and sure. The TPFDD for Iraq was an unbelievably complex master plan governing which forces would go where, when, and with what equipment, on which planes or ships, so that everything would be coordinated and ready at the time of attack. One reason it took the military six months to get set for each of its wars against Iraq, a comparatively pitiful foe, was the thoroughness of TPFDD planning. To its supporters, this approach is old-school in the best sense: if you fight, you really fight. To its detractors, this approach is simply old—ponderous, inefficient, and, although they don't dare call it cowardly, risk-averse at the least.
A streamlined approach had proved successful in Afghanistan, at least for a while, as a relatively small U.S. force left much of the ground fighting to the Northern Alliance. In the longer run the American strategy created complications for Afghanistan, because the victorious Northern Alliance leaders were newly legitimized as warlords. Donald Rumsfeld was one member of the Administration who seemed still to share the pre-9/11 suspicion about the risks of nation-building, and so didn't much care about the postwar consequences of a relatively small invasion force. (His deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, was more open to the challenge of rebuilding Iraq, but he would never undercut or disobey Rumsfeld.) In November, Rumsfeld began working through the TPFDD, with the goal of paring the force planned for Iraq to its leanest, lightest acceptable level.
The war games run by the Army and the Pentagon's joint staff had led to very high projected troop levels. The Army's recommendation was for an invasion force 400,000 strong, made up of as many Americans as necessary and as many allied troops as possible. "All the numbers we were coming up with were quite large," Thomas White, a retired general (and former Enron executive) who was the Secretary of the Army during the war, told me recently. But Rumsfeld's idea of the right force size was more like 75,000. The Army and the military's joint leadership moderated their requests in putting together the TPFDD, but Rumsfeld began challenging the force numbers in detail. When combat began, slightly more than 200,000 U.S. soldiers were massed around Iraq.
"In what I came to think of as Secretary Rumsfeld's style," an Army official who was involved in the process told me recently, "he didn't directly say no but asked a lot of hard questions about the plan and sent us away without approval. He would ask questions that delayed the activation of units, because he didn't think the planned flow was right. Our people came back with the understanding that their numbers were far too big and they should be thinking more along the lines of Afghanistan"—that is, plan for a light, mobile attack featuring Special Forces soldiers. Another participant described Rumsfeld as looking line by line at the deployments proposed in the TPFDD and saying, "Can't we do this with one company?" or "Shouldn't we get rid of this unit?" Making detailed, last-minute adjustments to the TPFDD was, in the Army's view, like pulling cogs at random out of a machine. According to an observer, "The generals would say, Sir, these changes will ripple back to every railhead and every company."
The longer-term problem involved what would happen after Baghdad fell, as it inevitably would. This was distinctly an Army rather than a general military concern. "Where's the Air Force now?" an Army officer asked rhetorically last fall. "They're back on their bases—and they're better off, since they don't need to patrol the 'no-fly' zones [in northern and southern Iraq, which U.S. warplanes had patrolled since the end of the Gulf War]. The Navy's gone, and most of the Marines have been pulled back. It's the Army holding the sack of shit." A related concern involved what a long-term commitment to Iraq would do to the Army's "ops tempo," or pace of operations—especially if Reserve and National Guard members, who had no expectations of long-term foreign service when they signed up, were posted in Iraq for months or even years.
The military's fundamental argument for building up what Rumsfeld considered a wastefully large force is that it would be even more useful after Baghdad fell than during actual combat. The first few days or weeks after the fighting, in this view, were crucial in setting long-term expectations. Civilians would see that they could expect a rapid return to order, and would behave accordingly—or they would see the opposite. This was the "shock and awe" that really mattered, in the Army's view: the ability to make clear who was in charge. "Insights from successful occupations suggest that it is best to go in real heavy and then draw down fast," Conrad Crane, of the Army War College, told me. That is, a larger force would be necessary during and immediately after the war, but might mean a much smaller occupation presence six months later.
"We're in Baghdad, the regime is toppled—what's next?" Thomas White told me, recounting discussions before the war. One of the strongest advocates of a larger force was General Eric Shinseki, the Army Chief of Staff. White said, "Guys like Shinseki, who had been in Bosnia [where he supervised the NATO force], been in Kosovo, started running the numbers and said, 'Let's assume the world is linear.' For five million Bosnians we had two hundred thousand people to watch over them. Now we have twenty-five million Iraqis to worry about, spread out over a state the size of California. How many people is this going to take?" The heart of the Army's argument was that with too few soldiers, the United States would win the war only to be trapped in an untenable position during the occupation.
A note of personal rancor complicated these discussions, as it did many disagreements over postwar plans. In our interview Douglas Feith played this down—maintaining that press reports had exaggerated the degree of quarreling and division inside the Administration. These reports, he said, mainly reflected the experience of lower-level officials, who were embroiled in one specific policy area and "might find themselves pretty much always at odds with their counterparts from another agency." Higher up, where one might be "fighting with someone on one issue but allied with them on something else," relations were more collegial. Perhaps so. But there was no concealing the hostility within the Pentagon between most uniformed leaders, especially in the Army, and the civilians in OSD.
Donald Rumsfeld viewed Shinseki as a symbol of uncooperative, old-style thinking, and had in the past gone out of his way to humiliate him. In the spring of 2002, fourteen months before the scheduled end of Shinseki's term, Rumsfeld announced who his successor would be; such an announcement, which converts the incumbent into a lame duck, usually comes at the last minute. The action was one of several calculated insults.
From OSD's point of view, Shinseki and many of his colleagues were dragging their feet. From the Army's point of view, OSD was being reckless about the way it was committing troops and high-handed in disregarding the military's professional advice. One man who was then working in the Pentagon told me of walking down a hallway a few months before the war and seeing Army General John Abizaid standing outside a door. Abizaid, who after the war succeeded Tommy Franks as commander of the Central Command, or CENTCOM, was then the director of the Joint Staff—the highest uniformed position in the Pentagon apart from the Joint Chiefs. A planning meeting for Iraq operations was under way. OSD officials told him he could not take part.
The military-civilian difference finally turned on the question of which would be harder: winning the war or maintaining the peace. According to Thomas White and several others, OSD acted as if the war itself would pose the real challenge. As White put it, "The planning assumptions were that the people would realize they were liberated, they would be happy that we were there, so it would take a much smaller force to secure the peace than it did to win the war. The resistance would principally be the remnants of the Baath Party, but they would go away fairly rapidly. And, critically, if we didn't damage the infrastructure in our military operation, as we didn't, the restart of the country could be done fairly rapidly." The first assumption was clearly expressed by Cheney three days before the war began, in an exchange with Tim Russert on Meet the Press: RUSSERT: If your analysis is not correct, and we're not treated as liberators but as conquerors, and the Iraqis begin to resist, particularly in Baghdad, do you think the American people are prepared for a long, costly, and bloody battle with significant American casualties?
CHENEY: Well, I don't think it's likely to unfold that way, Tim, because I really do believe that we will be greeted as liberators ... The read we get on the people of Iraq is there is no question but what they want to get rid of Saddam Hussein and they will welcome as liberators the United States when we come to do that. Through the 1990s Marine General Anthony Zinni, who preceded Tommy Franks as CENTCOM commander, had done war-gaming for a possible invasion of Iraq. His exercises involved a much larger U.S. force than the one that actually attacked last year. "They were very proud that they didn't have the kind of numbers my plan had called for," Zinni told me, referring to Rumsfeld and Cheney. "The reason we had those two extra divisions was the security situation. Revenge killings, crime, chaos—this was all foreseeable."
Thomas White agrees. Because of reasoning like Cheney's, "we went in with the minimum force to accomplish the military objectives, which was a straightforward task, never really in question," he told me. "And then we immediately found ourselves shorthanded in the aftermath. We sat there and watched people dismantle and run off with the country, basically."
Three Months Before the War
In the beginning of December, Iraq submitted its 12,000-page declaration to the UN Security Council contending that it had no remaining WMD stores. Near the end of December, President Bush authorized the dispatch of more than 200,000 U.S. soldiers to the Persian Gulf.
There had still been few or no estimates of the war's cost from the Administration—only contentions that projections like Lawrence Lindsay's were too high. When pressed on this point, Administration officials repeatedly said that with so many uncertainties, they could not possibly estimate the cost. But early in December, just before Lindsay was forced out, The New York Review of Books published an article by William Nordhaus titled "Iraq: The Economic Consequences of War," which included carefully considered estimates. Nordhaus, an economist at Yale, had served on Jimmy Carter's Council of Economic Advisers; the article was excerpted from a much longer economic paper he had prepared. His range of estimates was enormous, depending on how long the war lasted and what its impact on the world economy proved to be. Nordhaus calculated that over the course of a decade the direct and indirect costs of the war to the United States could be as low as $121 billion or as high as $1.6 trillion. This was a more thoroughgoing approach than the congressional budget committees had taken, but it was similar in its overall outlook. Nordhaus told me recently that he thinks he should have increased all his estimates to account for the "opportunity costs" of stationing soldiers in Iraq—that is, if they are assigned to Iraq, they're not available for deployment somewhere else.
On the last day of December, Mitch Daniels, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, told The New York Times that the war might cost $50 billion to $60 billion. He had to backtrack immediately, his spokesman stressing that "it is impossible to know what any military campaign would ultimately cost." The spokesman explained Daniels's mistake by saying, "The only cost estimate we know of in this arena is the Persian Gulf War, and that was a sixty-billion-dollar event." Daniels would leave the Administration, of his own volition, five months later.
In the immediate run-up to the war the Administration still insisted that the costs were unforeseeable. "Fundamentally, we have no idea what is needed unless and until we get there on the ground," Paul Wolfowitz told the House Budget Committee on February 27, with combat less than three weeks away. "This delicate moment—when we are assembling a coalition, when we are mobilizing people inside Iraq and throughout the region to help us in the event of war, and when we are still trying, through the United Nations and by other means, to achieve a peaceful solution without war—is not a good time to publish highly suspect numerical estimates and have them drive our declaratory policy."
Wolfowitz's stonewalling that day was in keeping with the policy of all senior Administration officials. Until many months after combat had begun, they refused to hazard even the vaguest approximation of what financial costs it might involve. Shinseki, so often at odds with OSD, contemplated taking a different course. He was scheduled to testify, with Thomas White, before the Senate Appropriations Committee on March 19, which turned out to be the first day of actual combat. In a routine prep session before the hearing he asked his assistants what he should say about how much the operations in Iraq were going to cost. "Well, it's impossible to predict," a briefer began, reminding him of the official line.
Shinseki cut him off. "We don't know everything," he said, and then he went through a list of the many things the military already did know. "We know how many troops are there now, and the projected numbers. We know how much it costs to feed them every day. We know how much it cost to send the force there. We know what we have spent already to prepare the force and how much it would cost to bring them back. We have estimates of how much fuel and ammunition we would use per day of operations." In short, anyone who actually wanted to make an estimate had plenty of information on hand.
At this point Jerry Sinn, a three-star general in charge of the Army's budget, said that in fact he had worked up some numbers—and he named a figure, for the Army's likely costs, in the tens of billions of dollars. But when Senator Byron Dorgan, of North Dakota, asked Shinseki at hearings on March 19 how much the war just beginning would cost, Shinseki was loyally vague ("Any potential discussion about what an operation in Iraq or any follow-on probably is undefined at this point").
When Administration officials stopped being vague, they started being unrealistic. On March 27, eight days into combat, members of the House Appropriations Committee asked Paul Wolfowitz for a figure. He told them that whatever it was, Iraq's oil supplies would keep it low. "There's a lot of money to pay for this," he said. "It doesn't have to be U.S. taxpayer money. We are dealing with a country that can really finance its own reconstruction, and relatively soon." On April 23 Andrew Natsios, of USAID, told an incredulous Ted Koppel, on Nightline, that the total cost to America of reconstructing Iraq would be $1.7 billion. Koppel shot back, "I mean, when you talk about one-point-seven, you're not suggesting that the rebuilding of Iraq is gonna be done for one-point-seven billion dollars?" Natsios was clear: "Well, in terms of the American taxpayers' contribution, I do; this is it for the U.S. The rest of the rebuilding of Iraq will be done by other countries who have already made pledges ... But the American part of this will be one-point-seven billion dollars. We have no plans for any further-on funding for this." Only in September did President Bush make his request for a supplemental appropriation of $87 billion for operations in Iraq.
Planning for the postwar period intensified in December. The Council on Foreign Relations, working with the Baker Institute for Public Policy, at Rice University, convened a working group on "guiding principles for U.S. post-war conflict policy in Iraq." Leslie Gelb, then the president of the Council on Foreign Relations, said that the group would take no position for or against the war. But its report, which was prepared late in January of last year, said that "U.S. and coalition military units will need to pivot quickly from combat to peacekeeping operations in order to prevent post-conflict Iraq from descending into anarchy." The report continued, "Without an initial and broad-based commitment to law and order, the logic of score-settling and revenge-taking will reduce Iraq to chaos."
The momentum toward war put officials at the United Nations and other international organizations in a difficult position. On the one hand, they had to be ready for what was coming; on the other, it was awkward to be seen discussing the impending takeover of one of their member states by another. "Off-the-record meetings were happening in every bar in New York," one senior UN official told me in the fall. An American delegation that included Pentagon representatives went to Rome in December for a confidential meeting with officials of the UN's World Food Programme, to discuss possible food needs after combat in Iraq. As The Wall Street Journal later reported, the meeting was uncomfortable for both sides: the Americans had to tell the WFP officials, as one of them recalled, "It is looking most probable you are going to witness one of the largest military engagements since the Second World War." This was hyperbole (Korea? Vietnam?), but it helped to convince the WFP that relief preparations should begin.
On December 11 an ice storm hit the Mid-Atlantic states. For Conrad Crane and his associates at the Army War College, deep in their crash effort to prepare their report on postwar Army challenges, this was a blessing. "The storm worked out perfectly," Crane told me afterward. "We were all on the post, there was no place anyone could go, we basically had the whole place to ourselves."
By the end of the month the War College team had assembled a draft of its report, called "Reconstructing Iraq: Insights, Challenges, and Missions for Military Forces in a Post-Conflict Scenario." It was not classified, and can be found through the Army War College's Web site.
The War College report has three sections. The first is a review of twentieth-century occupations—from the major efforts in Japan and Germany to the smaller and more recent ones in Haiti, Panama, and the Balkans. The purpose of the review is to identify common situations that occupiers might face in Iraq. The discussion of Germany, for instance, includes a detailed account of how U.S. occupiers "de-Nazified" the country without totally dismantling its bureaucracy or excluding everyone who had held a position of responsibility. (The main tool was a Fragebogen, or questionnaire, about each person's past activities, which groups of anti-Nazi Germans and Allied investigators reviewed and based decisions on.)
The second section of the report is an assessment of the specific problems likely to arise in Iraq, given its ethnic and regional tensions and the impact of decades of Baathist rule. Most Iraqis would welcome the end of Saddam Hussein's tyranny, it said. Nonetheless, Long-term gratitude is unlikely and suspicion of U.S. motives will increase as the occupation continues. A force initially viewed as liberators can rapidly be relegated to the status of invaders should an unwelcome occupation continue for a prolonged time. Occupation problems may be especially acute if the United States must implement the bulk of the occupation itself rather than turn these duties over to a postwar international force. If these views about the risk of disorder and the short welcome that Americans would enjoy sound familiar, that is because every organization that looked seriously into the situation sounded the same note.
The last and most distinctive part of the War College report is its "Mission Matrix"—a 135-item checklist of what tasks would have to be done right after the war and by whom. About a quarter of these were "critical tasks" for which the military would have to be prepared long before it reached Baghdad: securing the borders so that foreign terrorists would not slip in (as they in fact did), locating and destroying WMD supplies, protecting religious sites, performing police and security functions, and so on. The matrix was intended to lay out a phased shift of responsibilities, over months or years, from a mainly U.S. occupation force to international organizations and, finally, to sovereign Iraqis. By the end of December copies of the War College report were being circulated throughout the Army.
According to the standard military model, warfare unfolds through four phases: "deterrence and engagement," "seize the initiative," "decisive operations," and "post-conflict." Reality is never divided quite that neatly, of course, but the War College report stressed that Phase IV "post-conflict" planning absolutely had to start as early as possible, well before Phase III "decisive operations"—the war itself. But neither the Army nor the other services moved very far past Phase III thinking. "All the A-Team guys wanted to be in on Phase III, and the B-team guys were put on Phase IV," one man involved in Phase IV told me. Frederick Barton, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, who was involved in postwar efforts in Haiti, Rwanda, and elsewhere, put it differently. "If you went to the Pentagon before the war, all the concentration was on the war," he said. "If you went there during the war, all the concentration was on the war. And if you went there after the war, they'd say, 'That's Jerry Bremer's job.'" Still, the War College report confirmed what the Army leadership already suspected: that its real challenges would begin when it took control of Baghdad.
Two Months Before the War
On January 27, 2003, the chief UN weapons inspector, Hans Blix, reported that "Iraq appears not to have come to a genuine acceptance, not even today, of the disarmament that was demanded of it." Twenty-four hours later, in his State of the Union address, President Bush said that the United States was still hoping for UN endorsement of an action against Iraq—but would not be limited by the absence of one.
Increasingly the question in Washington about war was When? Those arguing for delay said that it would make everything easier. Perhaps Saddam Hussein would die. Perhaps he would flee or be overthrown. Perhaps the UN inspectors would find his weapons, or determine conclusively that they no longer existed. Perhaps the United States would have time to assemble, if not a broad alliance for the battle itself, at least support for reconstruction and occupation, so that U.S. soldiers and taxpayers would not be left with the entire job. Even if the responsibility were to be wholly America's, each passing month would mean more time to plan the peace as thoroughly as the war: to train civil-affairs units (which specialize in peacekeeping rather than combat), and to hire Arabic-speakers. Indeed, several months into the U.S. occupation a confidential Army "lessons learned" study said that the "lack of competent interpreters" throughout Iraq had "impeded operations." Most of the "military linguists" who were operating in Iraq, the study said, "basically [had] the ability to tell the difference between a burro and a burrito."
Those arguing against delay said that the mere passage of time wouldn't do any good and would bring various risks. The world had already waited twelve years since the Gulf War for Saddam Hussein to disarm. Congress had already voted to endorse the war. The Security Council had already shown its resolve. The troops were already on their way. Each passing day, in this view, was a day in which Saddam Hussein might deploy his weapons of terror.
Early in January the National Intelligence Council, at the CIA, ran a two-day exercise on postwar problems. Pentagon representatives were still forbidden by OSD to attend. The exercise covered issues similar to those addressed in the Future of Iraq and Army War College reports—and, indeed, to those considered by the Council on Foreign Relations and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: political reconstruction, public order, border control, humanitarian problems, finding and securing WMD.
On January 15 the humanitarian groups that had been meeting at USAID asked for a meeting with Donald Rumsfeld or Paul Wolfowitz. They never got one. At an earlier meeting, according to a participant, they had been told, "The President has already spent an hour on the humanitarian issues." The most senior Pentagon official to meet with them was Joseph Collins, a deputy assistant secretary of defense. The representatives of the NGOs were generally the most senior and experienced figures from each organization; the government representatives were not of the same stature. "Without naming names, the people we met were not real decision-makers," Joel Charny says.
On January 24 a group of archaeologists and scholars went to the Pentagon to brief Collins and other officials about the most important historic sites in Iraq, so that they could be spared in bombing. Thanks to precision targeting, the sites would indeed survive combat. Many, of course, were pillaged almost immediately afterward.
On January 30 the International Rescue Committee, which had been participating in the weekly Iraq Working Group sessions, publicly warned that a breakdown of law and order was likely unless the victorious U.S. forces acted immediately, with martial law if necessary, to prevent it. A week later Refugees International issued a similar warning.
At the end of January, Sam Gardiner entered the picture. Gardiner is a retired Air Force colonel who taught for years at the National War College in Washington. His specialty is war gaming, and through the 1990s he was involved once or twice a year in major simulations involving an attack on Baghdad. In the late 1990s Gardiner had been a visiting scholar at the Swedish National Defense University, where he studied the effects of the bombing of Serbia's electrical grid. The big discovery was how long it took to get the system up and running again, after even a precise and limited attack. "Decapitation" attacks on a regime, like the one planned for Iraq, routinely begin with disabling the electrical grid. Gardiner warned that this Phase III step could cause big Phase IV problems.
Late in 2002 Gardiner had put together what he called a "net assessment" of how Iraq would look after a successful U.S. attack. His intended audience, in government, would recognize the designation as droll. "Net assessment" is a familiar term for a CIA-style intelligence analysis, but Gardiner also meant it to reflect the unusual origin of his data: none of it was classified, and all of it came from the Internet. Through the power of search engines Gardiner was able to assemble what in other days would have seemed like a secret inside look at Iraq's infrastructure. He found electricity diagrams for the pumps used at Iraq's main water stations; he listed replacement parts for the most vulnerable elements of the electrical grid. He produced a scheme showing the elements of the system that would be easiest to attack but then quickest to repair. As it happened, damage to the electrical grid was a major postwar problem. Despite the precision of the bombing campaign, by mid-April wartime damage and immediate postwar looting had reduced Baghdad's power supply to one fifth its pre-war level, according to an internal Pentagon study. In mid-July the grid would be back to only half its pre-war level, working on a three-hours-on, three-hours-off schedule.
On January 19 Gardiner presented his net assessment, with information about Iraq's water, sewage, and public-health systems as well as its electrical grid, at an unclassified forum held by the RAND Corporation, in Washington. Two days later he presented it privately to Zalmay Khalilzad. Khalilzad was a former RAND analyst who had joined the Bush Administration's National Security Council and before the war was named the President's "special envoy and ambassador-at-large for Free Iraqis." (He has recently become the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan.) Gardiner told me recently that Khalilzad was sobered by what he heard, and gave Gardiner a list of other people in the government who should certainly be shown the assessment. In the next few weeks Gardiner presented his findings to Bear McConnell, the USAID official in charge of foreign disaster relief, and Michael Dunn, an Air Force general who had once been Gardiner's student and worked with the Joint Chiefs of Staff as acting director for strategic plans and policy. A scheduled briefing with Joseph Collins, who was becoming the Pentagon's point man for postwar planning, was canceled at the last minute, after a description of Gardiner's report appeared in Inside the Pentagon, an influential newsletter.
The closer the nation came to war, the more the Administration seemed to view people like Gardiner as virtual Frenchmen—that is, softies who would always find some excuse to oppose the war. In one sense they were right. "It became clear that what I was really arguing was that we had to delay the war," Gardiner told me. "I was saying, 'We aren't ready, and in just six or eight weeks there is no way to get ready for everything we need to do.'" (The first bombs fell on Baghdad eight weeks after Gardiner's meeting with Khalilzad.) "Everyone was very interested and very polite and said I should talk to other people," Gardiner said. "But they had that 'Stalingrad stare'—people who had been doing stuff under pressure for too long and hadn't had enough sleep. You want to shake them and say, 'Are you really with me?'"
At the regular meeting of the Iraq Working Group on January 29, the NGO representatives discussed a recent piece of vital news. The Administration had chosen a leader for all postwar efforts in Iraq: Jay M. Garner, a retired three-star Army general who had worked successfully with the Kurds at the end of the Gulf War. The NGO representatives had no fault to find with the choice of Garner, but they were concerned, because his organization would be a subunit of the Pentagon rather than an independent operation or part of a civilian agency. "We had been pushing constantly to have reconstruction authority based in the State Department," Joel Charny told me. He and his colleagues were told by Wendy Chamberlin, a former ambassador to Pakistan who had become USAID's assistant administrator for the area including Iraq, that the NGOs should view Garner's appointment as a victory. After all, Garner was a civilian, and his office would draw representatives from across the government. "We said, 'C'mon, Wendy, his office is in the Pentagon!'" Charny says. Jim Bishop, a former U.S. ambassador who now works for InterAction, pointed out that the NGOs, like the U.S. government, were still hoping that other governments might help to fund humanitarian efforts. Bishop asked rhetorically, "Who from the international community is going to fund reconstruction run through the Pentagon?"
Garner assembled a team and immediately went to work. What happened to him in the next two months is the best-chronicled part of the postwar fiasco. He started from scratch, trying to familiarize himself with what the rest of the government had already done. On February 21 he convened a two-day meeting of diplomats, soldiers, academics, and development experts, who gathered at the National Defense University to discuss postwar plans. "The messiah could not have organized a sufficient relief and reconstruction or humanitarian effort in that short a time," a former CIA analyst named Judith Yaphe said after attending the meeting, according to Mark Fineman, Doyle McManus, and Robin Wright, of the Los Angeles Times. (Fineman died of a heart attack last fall, while reporting from Baghdad.) Garner was also affected by tension between OSD and the rest of the government. Garner had heard about the Future of Iraq project, although Rumsfeld had told him not to waste his time reading it. Nonetheless, he decided to bring its director, Thomas Warrick, onto his planning team. Garner, who clearly does not intend to be the fall guy for postwar problems in Baghdad, told me last fall that Rumsfeld had asked him to kick Warrick off his staff. In an interview with the BBC last November, Garner confirmed details of the firing that had earlier been published in Newsweek. According to Garner, Rumsfeld asked him, "Jay, have you got a guy named Warrick on your team?" "I said, 'Yes, I do.' He said, 'Well, I've got to ask you to remove him.' I said, 'I don't want to remove him; he's too valuable.' But he said, 'This came to me from such a high level that I can't overturn it, and I've just got to ask you to remove Mr. Warrick.'" Newsweek's conclusion was that the man giving the instructions was Vice President Cheney.
This is the place to note that in several months of interviews I never once heard someone say "We took this step because the President indicated ..." or "The President really wanted ..." Instead I heard "Rumsfeld wanted," "Powell thought," "The Vice President pushed," "Bremer asked," and so on. One need only compare this with any discussion of foreign policy in Reagan's or Clinton's Administration—or Nixon's, or Kennedy's, or Johnson's, or most others—to sense how unusual is the absence of the President as prime mover. The other conspicuously absent figure was Condoleezza Rice, even after she was supposedly put in charge of coordinating Administration policy on Iraq, last October. It is possible that the President's confidants are so discreet that they have kept all his decisions and instructions secret. But that would run counter to the fundamental nature of bureaucratic Washington, where people cite a President's authority whenever they possibly can ("The President feels strongly about this, so ...").
To me, the more likely inference is that Bush took a strong overall position—fighting terrorism is this generation's challenge—and then was exposed to only a narrow range of options worked out by the contending forces within his Administration. If this interpretation proves to be right, and if Bush did in fact wish to know more, then blame will fall on those whose responsibility it was to present him with the widest range of choices: Cheney and Rice.
One Month Before the War
On February 14 Hans Blix reaffirmed to the United Nations his view that Iraq had decided to cooperate with inspectors. The division separating the United States and Britain from France, Germany, and Russia became stark. On February 15 antiwar demonstrators massed in major cities around the world: a million in Madrid, more than a million in Rome, and a million or more in London, the largest demonstration in Britain's history.
On February 21 Tony Blair joined George Bush at Camp David, to underscore their joint determination to remove the threat from Iraq.
Three Weeks Before the War
As the war drew near, the dispute about how to conduct it became public. On February 25 the Senate Armed Services Committee summoned all four Chiefs of Staff to answer questions about the war—and its aftermath. The crucial exchange began with a question from the ranking Democrat, Carl Levin. He asked Eric Shinseki, the Army Chief of Staff, how many soldiers would be required not to defeat Iraq but to occupy it. Well aware that he was at odds with his civilian superiors at the Pentagon, Shinseki at first deflected the question. "In specific numbers," he said, "I would have to rely on combatant commanders' exact requirements. But I think ..." and he trailed off.
"How about a range?" Levin asked. Shinseki replied—and recapitulated the argument he had made to Rumsfeld. I would say that what's been mobilized to this point, something on the order of several hundred thousand soldiers, are probably, you know, a figure that would be required.
We're talking about post-hostilities control over a piece of geography that's fairly significant, with the kinds of ethnic tensions that could lead to other problems. And so, it takes significant ground force presence to maintain safe and secure environment to ensure that the people are fed, that water is distributed, all the normal responsibilities that go along with administering a situation like this. Two days later Paul Wolfowitz appeared before the House Budget Committee. He began working through his prepared statement about the Pentagon's budget request and then asked permission to "digress for a moment" and respond to recent commentary, "some of it quite outlandish, about what our postwar requirements might be in Iraq." Everyone knew he meant Shinseki's remarks.
"I am reluctant to try to predict anything about what the cost of a possible conflict in Iraq would be," Wolfowitz said, "or what the possible cost of reconstructing and stabilizing that country afterwards might be." This was more than reluctance—it was the Administration's consistent policy before the war. "But some of the higher-end predictions that we have been hearing recently, such as the notion that it will take several hundred thousand U.S. troops to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq, are wildly off the mark."
This was as direct a rebuke of a military leader by his civilian superior as the United States had seen in fifty years. Wolfowitz offered a variety of incidental reasons why his views were so different from those he alluded to: "I would expect that even countries like France will have a strong interest in assisting Iraq's reconstruction," and "We can't be sure that the Iraqi people will welcome us as liberators ... [but] I am reasonably certain that they will greet us as liberators, and that will help us to keep requirements down." His fundamental point was this: "It's hard to conceive that it would take more forces to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq than it would take to conduct the war itself and to secure the surrender of Saddam's security forces and his army. Hard to imagine."
None of the government working groups that had seriously looked into the question had simply "imagined" that occupying Iraq would be more difficult than defeating it. They had presented years' worth of experience suggesting that this would be the central reality of the undertaking. Wolfowitz either didn't notice this evidence or chose to disbelieve it. What David Halberstam said of Robert McNamara in The Best and the Brightest is true of those at OSD as well: they were brilliant, and they were fools.
Two Weeks Before the War
At the beginning of March, Andrew Natsios won a little-noticed but crucial battle. Because the United States had not yet officially decided whether to go to war, Natsios had not been able to persuade the Office of Management and Budget to set aside the money that USAID would need for immediate postwar efforts in Iraq. The battle was the more intense because Natsios, unlike his counterparts at the State Department, was both privately and publicly supportive of the case for war. Just before combat he was able to arrange an emergency $200 million grant from USAID to the World Food Programme. This money could be used to buy food immediately for Iraqi relief operations—and it helped to ensure that there were no postwar food shortages.
One Week Before the War
On March 13 humanitarian organizations had gathered at USAID headquarters for what was effectively the last meeting of the Iraq Working Group. Wendy Chamberlin, the senior USAID official present, discussed the impending war in terms that several participants noted, wrote down, and later mentioned to me. "It's going to be very quick," she said, referring to the actual war. "We're going to meet their immediate needs. We're going to turn it over to the Iraqis. And we're going to be out within the year."
On March 17 the United States, Britain, and Spain announced that they would abandon their attempt to get a second Security Council vote in favor of the war, and President Bush gave Saddam Hussein an ultimatum: leave the country within forty-eight hours or suffer the consequences. On March 19 the first bombs fell on Baghdad.
Afterward
On April 9 U.S. forces took Baghdad. On April 14 the Pentagon announced that most of the fighting was over. On May 1 President Bush declared that combat operations were at an end. By then looting had gone on in Baghdad for several weeks. "When the United States entered Baghdad on April 9, it entered a city largely undamaged by a carefully executed military campaign," Peter Galbraith, a former U.S. ambassador to Croatia, told a congressional committee in June. "However, in the three weeks following the U.S. takeover, unchecked looting effectively gutted every important public institution in the city—with the notable exception of the oil ministry." On April 11, when asked why U.S. soldiers were not stopping the looting, Donald Rumsfeld said, "Freedom's untidy, and free people are free to make mistakes and commit crimes and do bad things. They're also free to live their lives and do wonderful things, and that's what's going to happen here."
This was a moment, as when he tore up the TPFDD, that Rumsfeld crossed a line. His embrace of "uncertainty" became a reckless evasion of responsibility. He had only disdain for "predictions," yes, and no one could have forecast every circumstance of postwar Baghdad. But virtually everyone who had thought about the issue had warned about the risk of looting. U.S. soldiers could have prevented it—and would have, if so instructed.
The looting spread, destroying the infrastructure that had survived the war and creating the expectation of future chaos. "There is this kind of magic moment, which you can't imagine until you see it," an American civilian who was in Baghdad during the looting told me. "People are used to someone being in charge, and when they realize no one is, the fabric rips."
On May 6 the Administration announced that Bremer would be the new U.S. administrator in Iraq. Two weeks into that job Bremer disbanded the Iraqi army and other parts of the Baathist security structure.
If the failure to stop the looting was a major sin of omission, sending the Iraqi soldiers home was, in the view of nearly everyone except those who made the decision, a catastrophic error of commission. There were two arguments for taking this step. First, the army had "already disbanded itself," as Douglas Feith put it to me—soldiers had melted away, with their weapons. Second, the army had been an integral part of the Sunni-dominated Baathist security structure. Leaving it intact would be the wrong symbol for the new Iraq—especially for the Shiites, whom the army had oppressed. "These actions are part of a robust campaign to show the Iraqi people that the Saddam regime is gone, and will never return," a statement from Bremer's office said.
The case against wholesale dissolution of the army, rather than a selective purge at the top, was that it created an instant enemy class: hundreds of thousands of men who still had their weapons but no longer had a paycheck or a place to go each day. Manpower that could have helped on security patrols became part of the security threat. Studies from the Army War College, the Future of Iraq project, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies, to name a few, had all considered exactly this problem and suggested ways of removing the noxious leadership while retaining the ordinary troops. They had all warned strongly against disbanding the Iraqi army. The Army War College, for example, said in its report, "To tear apart the Army in the war's aftermath could lead to the destruction of one of the only forces for unity within the society."
"This is not something that was dreamed up by somebody at the last minute," Walter Slocombe—who held Feith's job, undersecretary of defense for policy, during the Clinton Administration, and who is now a security adviser on Bremer's team—told Peter Slevin, of The Washington Post, last November. He said that he had discussed the plan with Wolfowitz at least once and with Feith several times, including the day before the order was given. "The critical point," he told Slevin, "was that nobody argued that we shouldn't do this." No one, that is, the Administration listened to.
Here is the hardest question: How could the Administration have thought that it was safe to proceed in blithe indifference to the warnings of nearly everyone with operational experience in modern military occupations? Saying that the Administration considered this a truly urgent "war of necessity" doesn't explain the indifference. Even if it feared that Iraq might give terrorists fearsome weapons at any moment, it could still have thought more carefully about the day after the war. World War II was a war of absolute necessity, and the United States still found time for detailed occupation planning.
The President must have known that however bright the scenarios, the reality of Iraq eighteen months after the war would affect his re-election. The political risk was enormous and obvious. Administration officials must have believed not only that the war was necessary but also that a successful occupation would not require any more forethought than they gave it.
It will be years before we fully understand how intelligent people convinced themselves of this. My guess is that three factors will be important parts of the explanation.
One is the panache of Donald Rumsfeld. He was near the zenith of his influence as the war was planned. His emphasis on the vagaries of life was all the more appealing within his circle because of his jauntiness and verve. But he was not careful about remembering his practical obligations. Precisely because he could not foresee all hazards, he should have been more zealous about avoiding the ones that were evident—the big and obvious ones the rest of the government tried to point out to him.
A second is the triumphalism of the Administration. In the twenty-five years since Ronald Reagan's rise, political conservatives have changed position in a way they have not fully recognized. Reagan's arrival marked the end of a half century of Democrat-dominated government in Washington. Yes, there has been one Democratic President since Reagan, and eventually there will be others. But as a rule the Republicans are now in command. Older Republicans—those who came of age in the 1960s and 1970s, those who are now in power in the Administration—have not fully adjusted to this reality. They still feel like embattled insurgents, as if the liberals were in the driver's seat. They recognize their electoral strength but feel that in the battle of ideology their main task is to puncture fatuous liberal ideas.
The consequence is that Republicans are less used to exposing their own ideas to challenges than they should be. Today's liberals know there is a challenge to every aspect of their world view. All they have to do is turn on the radio. Today's conservatives are more likely to think that any contrary ideas are leftovers from the tired 1960s, much as liberals of the Kennedy era thought that conservatives were in thrall to Herbert Hoover. In addition, the conservatives' understanding of modern history makes them think that their instincts are likely to be right and that their critics will be proved wrong. Europeans scorned Ronald Reagan, and the United Nations feared him, but in the end the Soviet Union was gone. So for reasons of personal, political, and intellectual history, it is understandable that members of this Administration could proceed down one path in defiance of mounting evidence of its perils. The Democrats had similar destructive self-confidence in the 1960s, when they did their most grandiose Great Society thinking.
The third factor is the nature of the President himself. Leadership is always a balance between making large choices and being aware of details. George W. Bush has an obvious preference for large choices. This gave him his chance for greatness after the September 11 attacks. But his lack of curiosity about significant details may be his fatal weakness. When the decisions of the past eighteen months are assessed and judged, the Administration will be found wanting for its carelessness. Because of warnings it chose to ignore, it squandered American prestige, fortune, and lives.
Tuesday, October 05, 2004
In the VP debate tonight, Cheney has claimed:
1. That the "coalition" we have today just as strong as the one in 1991.
2. That he never said Saddam and 9/11 were linked.
3. He says the Bush campaign has never criticized Kerry's patriotism.
4. That when Sen. Edwards said 90% of the casualties in the coalition were Americans, Sen. Edwards was "demeaning" the sacrifices of the ING (Iraqis).
5. He says the Bush administration has created 1.7 million jobs.
6. He says the Bush team will drive the deficit down 50 percent in the course of the next five years. He also wants to make the tax cuts for those making over $200,000 a year permanent.
7. That the Bush administration has done a lot to reduce the cost of health care.
8. He says the Army has never asked for more troops in Iraq.
9. He says we don't need more American troops in Iraq, all we need is to get the Iraqis into the fight.
10. He says he doesn't know why the nation is so divided today, more than it was four years ago.
11. He says that the Bush administration reaches out to democrats, and mentioned ZELL MILLER as an example of that.
12. He says the Bush administration has put our economy on the "upward path."
13. He says the Bush adminstration will do everything it can to preserve Social Security (see number 6 for a clue on how to do that).
14. He says the only viable option to win the war on terror is the one Bush has chosen.
Sure sounds great. He was really laid-back and not the attack dog he usually is (because he wants to be a nice guy).
Hey, just because all of those things aren't true doesn't mean they don't sound great.
1. That the "coalition" we have today just as strong as the one in 1991.
2. That he never said Saddam and 9/11 were linked.
3. He says the Bush campaign has never criticized Kerry's patriotism.
4. That when Sen. Edwards said 90% of the casualties in the coalition were Americans, Sen. Edwards was "demeaning" the sacrifices of the ING (Iraqis).
5. He says the Bush administration has created 1.7 million jobs.
6. He says the Bush team will drive the deficit down 50 percent in the course of the next five years. He also wants to make the tax cuts for those making over $200,000 a year permanent.
7. That the Bush administration has done a lot to reduce the cost of health care.
8. He says the Army has never asked for more troops in Iraq.
9. He says we don't need more American troops in Iraq, all we need is to get the Iraqis into the fight.
10. He says he doesn't know why the nation is so divided today, more than it was four years ago.
11. He says that the Bush administration reaches out to democrats, and mentioned ZELL MILLER as an example of that.
12. He says the Bush administration has put our economy on the "upward path."
13. He says the Bush adminstration will do everything it can to preserve Social Security (see number 6 for a clue on how to do that).
14. He says the only viable option to win the war on terror is the one Bush has chosen.
Sure sounds great. He was really laid-back and not the attack dog he usually is (because he wants to be a nice guy).
Hey, just because all of those things aren't true doesn't mean they don't sound great.
Can you believe the timing on this?
Now that Bush has made it a point that Kerry insulted Poland (although Kerry never mentioned Poland, only Bush did) a lot of right wing pundits have also made it a point to inform everyone how insulted Poland's president felt. "It is sad that a senator with 20 years of experience does not recognize Polish contribution. This is immoral," said Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski.
Yes, Bush proved that we really have a coalition, because it isn't just Britian- hey, what about Poland? As Bush said, "What about Poland? He forgot Poland."
Kerry's point was that we were carrying the burden mostly by ourselves, and talk of a "coalition" was crap because we are pretty much on our own.
Bush: "What about Poland?" And the right-wing blogs are all over it.
Yet, today, we hear this:
(CNN) -- Poland may reduce its commitment of forces to the war in Iraq by 40 percent by January 2005 and have all its troops out by the end of that year, Polish officials said Monday.
Currently, Poland has 2,500 troops committed to Operation Iraqi Freedom, but would reduce that number to 1,500 January 2005, and the remaining troops would leave Iraq by December 2005.
A Defense Ministry spokesman said Defense Minister Jerzy Szmajdzinski told the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza that Poland planned a 40 percent reduction in January, followed by complete withdrawal by the end of the year.
So I guess our grand coalition is Britian and... the Ukraine? Bulgaria?
Watch as the right-wing tries to make this Kerry's fault too. Or blame Clinton, they sometimes like to do that. But notice the tough position Bush is in - he made it a point to recognize Poland in the debate, insinuating that their contribution was really helpful, and now that they are leaving and he has to try and show it doesn't really hurt us.
Fact is, it won't hurt us that much - because they weren't helping us that much. We are pretty much on our own, something Kerry has been saying all along.
Spin away right-wingers. Spin away.
Then there is this: http://www.speakeasy.org/~joshudan/gopconstrm.mov
Pretty much says it all.
Yes, Bush proved that we really have a coalition, because it isn't just Britian- hey, what about Poland? As Bush said, "What about Poland? He forgot Poland."
Kerry's point was that we were carrying the burden mostly by ourselves, and talk of a "coalition" was crap because we are pretty much on our own.
Bush: "What about Poland?" And the right-wing blogs are all over it.
Yet, today, we hear this:
(CNN) -- Poland may reduce its commitment of forces to the war in Iraq by 40 percent by January 2005 and have all its troops out by the end of that year, Polish officials said Monday.
Currently, Poland has 2,500 troops committed to Operation Iraqi Freedom, but would reduce that number to 1,500 January 2005, and the remaining troops would leave Iraq by December 2005.
A Defense Ministry spokesman said Defense Minister Jerzy Szmajdzinski told the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza that Poland planned a 40 percent reduction in January, followed by complete withdrawal by the end of the year.
So I guess our grand coalition is Britian and... the Ukraine? Bulgaria?
Watch as the right-wing tries to make this Kerry's fault too. Or blame Clinton, they sometimes like to do that. But notice the tough position Bush is in - he made it a point to recognize Poland in the debate, insinuating that their contribution was really helpful, and now that they are leaving and he has to try and show it doesn't really hurt us.
Fact is, it won't hurt us that much - because they weren't helping us that much. We are pretty much on our own, something Kerry has been saying all along.
Spin away right-wingers. Spin away.
Then there is this: http://www.speakeasy.org/~joshudan/gopconstrm.mov
Pretty much says it all.
Friday, October 01, 2004
The twisting begins
Before the debate both campaigns called the debate very important.
Now we hear from the Republicans that debates don't really change anything, that they don't really count. Hmmm, wonder who won?
We also hear that Kerry is a "slick debater" and that "we aren't electing a debater-in-chief."
I'll give Bush credit. He has good handlers.
Expect the next month to be the dirtiest in the history of this nation. Karl Rove knows a lot of voters who believed the propaganda about Kerry (including, apparently, Bush too) were surprised that the real Kerry showed up, not the cartoon-character French-looking flip-flopping patrician weakling of right-wing sound bites. Ooops, guess they believed what they wanted to believe - which seems to be a trait with this administration.
Now the twisting begins.
Kerry's said very clearly (and concisely) that the United States had the right to take preemptive action abroad if it "passes the global test, where your countrymen, your people understand fully why you're doing what you're doing and you can prove to the world that you did it for legitimate reasons."
Bush is now saying: "Sen. Kerry said that America has to pass some sort of global test before we can use our troops to defend ourselves. Think about that. He wants our national security decisions subject to the approval of a foreign government."
He also said today that "the use of troops to defend America must never be subject to a veto by countries like France."
Read Kerry's quote again. "Countrymen?" "your people?" And proving to the world you are taking legitimate action is a no-brainer. If you don't you become an enemy of the world and no nation can withstand that.
Apparently Bush doesn't like the idea of the People being the ones a president must convince before waging pre-emptive war. This is the guy who is "exporting democracy." Hmm...
And then there is the fact that Bush tried to attack Kerry for daring to question the grand "coalition of the willing" (for God's sake, don't forget Poland) and said that this would harm our relations with allies.
Well, if anybody knows about how to harm our relations with allies it is this president.
Remember that song from "South Park" the movie? "Blame Canada?"
Turns out it is "blame France." A nation that Bush insulted today yet again in his efforts to build an even grander coalition of the willing.
Stand by the for the Republican slime machine.
Now we hear from the Republicans that debates don't really change anything, that they don't really count. Hmmm, wonder who won?
We also hear that Kerry is a "slick debater" and that "we aren't electing a debater-in-chief."
I'll give Bush credit. He has good handlers.
Expect the next month to be the dirtiest in the history of this nation. Karl Rove knows a lot of voters who believed the propaganda about Kerry (including, apparently, Bush too) were surprised that the real Kerry showed up, not the cartoon-character French-looking flip-flopping patrician weakling of right-wing sound bites. Ooops, guess they believed what they wanted to believe - which seems to be a trait with this administration.
Now the twisting begins.
Kerry's said very clearly (and concisely) that the United States had the right to take preemptive action abroad if it "passes the global test, where your countrymen, your people understand fully why you're doing what you're doing and you can prove to the world that you did it for legitimate reasons."
Bush is now saying: "Sen. Kerry said that America has to pass some sort of global test before we can use our troops to defend ourselves. Think about that. He wants our national security decisions subject to the approval of a foreign government."
He also said today that "the use of troops to defend America must never be subject to a veto by countries like France."
Read Kerry's quote again. "Countrymen?" "your people?" And proving to the world you are taking legitimate action is a no-brainer. If you don't you become an enemy of the world and no nation can withstand that.
Apparently Bush doesn't like the idea of the People being the ones a president must convince before waging pre-emptive war. This is the guy who is "exporting democracy." Hmm...
And then there is the fact that Bush tried to attack Kerry for daring to question the grand "coalition of the willing" (for God's sake, don't forget Poland) and said that this would harm our relations with allies.
Well, if anybody knows about how to harm our relations with allies it is this president.
Remember that song from "South Park" the movie? "Blame Canada?"
Turns out it is "blame France." A nation that Bush insulted today yet again in his efforts to build an even grander coalition of the willing.
Stand by the for the Republican slime machine.
Thursday, September 30, 2004
I'm proud of our democracy tonight
Tonight I watched the debate. Whether you are a Kerry or Bush supporter, you should admit that tonight was an example of what is best about our system. Both candidates addressed each other civilly and were forced to appeal to the real boss - the American People. They had to stand on their own and explain themselves. No other form of government reminds leaders so much that they serve the people and not the other way around. Now the People will decide. I was proud. Whether we make the right or wrong decision on who should be president we will all be responsible for it - we have consent of the governed, and no president can lead without it.
So who won?
If youwant, please answer some or all of the following questions:
1) who do you think won?
2) Did the debate change your vote or change the way you are leaning if still undecided?
3) what was the best moment/worst moment for the candidates?
4) anything else you want to comment on in regards to the debate?
So who won?
If youwant, please answer some or all of the following questions:
1) who do you think won?
2) Did the debate change your vote or change the way you are leaning if still undecided?
3) what was the best moment/worst moment for the candidates?
4) anything else you want to comment on in regards to the debate?
Friday, September 24, 2004
A bright and shining lie - again
From the book The Lost Battalion about the Battle of Hue in Vietnam, by Charles Krohn (Praeger, 1993):
I know I say things about living and dead that some will find offensive, although it is not my intention to offend. Both my explanation and my defense is that I had to tell the story as honestly as I could. It's now obvious that we lost the war and some 57,000 died in vain. Some accounting is called for. The least we owe the dead is an obligation to be honest.
I don't agree with our invasion of Iraq. My view on this is well known. I felt that way before we invaded, and I feel that way now. Still, we must WIN because losing will cause us greater harm. Not because of "prestige" (fuck ego, would you ask your son or daughter to die for prestige?) but because an unstable, hostile, chaotic Iraq would be worse for us than Saddam was - and it will cost us more in the long run. It is too important a region for us to simply retreat. Indochina was different. Vietnam and Laos and Thailand and Cambodia simply aren't as important to us and our security as is the Middle East. So we MUST WIN.
But we aren't even playing to win. The President refuses to level with the nation about what is needed to win, and in fact refuses to allocate funding and troops needed to win in case the public realizes the truth about the overwhelming burden he has put upon us in the middle of the war against terror. He constantly reassures us that we are just fine. Remember when the justification was WMD? Or then when we would be greeted with flowers? Remember when the "Mission" was "Accomplished?" And later the attacks on American soldiers were just some "dead-enders" who refused to see the light and would be dealt with quickly? Remember how capturing Saddam was sure to put a dent in the insurgency? Remember how controversial it was when the Army called it a "guerrilla war" and the administration said no, it wasn't?
We could have won Vietnam. The Tet Offensive was actually a huge military defeat for the communists, but it cost public support back home. A lot of people blamed (and still blame) the media for this. But it isn't true.
The fault lay with politicians who preferred simply to "not lose" over doing what it took to win. Why? Because winning in Vietnam would have cost a lot more than we were told, and any politician who, for instance, supported calling up twice as many draftees, spending twice as much money, and who pushed aggresive combat that might cause 10,000 casualties in the first month would likely be defeated in the next election. We could have invaded North Vietnam, but we didn't. Our elected leaders preferred 1000 deaths a month for 5 years over 10,000 deaths in a single month, even if we were likely to lose.
Should politics matter when our security is at stake? It wouldn't matter to me. It wouldn't matter to the soldiers. It shouldn't matter to politicians whose first loyalty should be our nation's security, not their own careers. What matters is winning or losing. If we aren't willing to do what is required to win then we shouldn't be doing it at all regardless of the next election.
But their careers did matter to the politicians, and as a result we ended up losing more lives in the long run, for nothing. The public turned against the war, but only after years of buying into the "light at the end of the tunnel" and "we are winning" and "things are better everyday" talk. Talk that wasn't true. Some blame the media for that, but that is way too easy.
The same media that supported the war in the beginning turned against it in the end. Rather than a shaper of opinions it seemed more like a mirror of public opinion. We could have won in Vietnam, but the lack of a strategy to win cost us that victory - not the media.
So what does all this have to do with Iraq?
We have no strategy to win, and the truth is being kept from us. The President says the media isn't reporting the truth about the good happening in Iraq, but in fact the media apparently isn't reporting how bad it really is in Iraq, how the insurgency has grown, how we blew our golden window of opportunity in the first few months after the fall of Saddam and are now confronting an ever-more organized, more determined enemy.
And those in the military trying to do their jobs, trying to win, are being prevented from doing so - just as they were in Vietnam. Because no news is good news, and if there is lots of bad news blame the media, not the administration. Bush prefers to keep the bad news to a minimum, even if it costs us more lives in the long run. Even if it risks defeat.
This isn't Vietnam. We can't afford to abandon Iraq. It seems the simple solution but it isn't. We can't go back in time and NOT invade, and so now we must do what it takes to win a stabilized, non-chaotic Iraq. And we are not doing that. We aren't doing what we should in order to win.
We have no strategy for victory in this war, yet incredibly the challenger is criticized for not having a complete and detailed strategy, not the incumbent. If I am in charge shouldn't I be the one to have the detailed plan, instead of criticizing others who point that out? We have no strategy to win other than to "stay the course."
One year ago we had fewer dead than we do now and the situation looked hopeful. Now we are suffering more casualties and the situation looks grim. Staying the course has harmed, not helped. Should we "stay the course" or should we adapt, as our enemies have done? It is obvious we must adapt. We are not.
Regardless of whether you agree or disagree with the decision to invade (and I thought it world-class stupid) we MUST WIN. This is NOT Vietnam. We lost there but our national security didn't suffer all that much. It cost us less to lose than it would have cost us to win. That isn't the case here. We must win. We are not.
Kerry is portrayed as flip-flopping on Iraq because he voted to give the president the authority yet later criticizes the war. In fact Kerry has been incredibly consistent. Read the speech he gave before he cast the vote giving the President the authority and see for yourself:http://www.independentsforkerry.org/uploads/media/kerry-iraq.html Kerry is called a flip-flopper on invading. He is not.
And, like myself, Kerry does not want to cut and run from Iraq. This is also portrayed as flip-flopping. It is not.
We need to have a strategy to win. This administration does not.
Those who would speak truth, including some very conservative people you would think the natural supporters of a Republican president, are getting into trouble for speaking the truth:http://www.govexec.com/features/0904-15/0904-15s3.htm
By the way, that second article is the story of a career army infantry officer and later deputy chief of public affairs for the Army who took a job with the Program Management Office in Baghdad as spokesperson and media advisor. He's a Vietnam combat veteran. During the Battle of Hue in January 1968, half his battalion was killed. He's also a partisan Republican. He advised the Bush 2000 presidential campaign on military management and regularly donates money to the GOP. He resigned from his synagogue in 1994 because he thought the leadership was too liberal. And while he refuses to be labeled a neoconservative, he believes the despotic Middle East can be turned democratic by force. And he wrote the book that I quoted to begin this post. His name is Charles Krohn.
Krohn was recently forced out from his Pentagon job for criticizing the Bush administration's management of the occupation. Even though everything he said was true. He was told he couldn't be "trusted."
The administration feels that those who criticize the president harm our cause. I respectfully disagree. Those that won't tell us the truth harm our cause. Those that refuse to adapt harm our cause. Those who "stay the course" even when the road curves are the ones that will drive us right off the cliff.
On Nov. 2nd the nation will decide if it prefers pleasant lies over truth. I believe we owe an obligation to the dead, and to our soldiers under fire today, to honor the truth.
I know I say things about living and dead that some will find offensive, although it is not my intention to offend. Both my explanation and my defense is that I had to tell the story as honestly as I could. It's now obvious that we lost the war and some 57,000 died in vain. Some accounting is called for. The least we owe the dead is an obligation to be honest.
I don't agree with our invasion of Iraq. My view on this is well known. I felt that way before we invaded, and I feel that way now. Still, we must WIN because losing will cause us greater harm. Not because of "prestige" (fuck ego, would you ask your son or daughter to die for prestige?) but because an unstable, hostile, chaotic Iraq would be worse for us than Saddam was - and it will cost us more in the long run. It is too important a region for us to simply retreat. Indochina was different. Vietnam and Laos and Thailand and Cambodia simply aren't as important to us and our security as is the Middle East. So we MUST WIN.
But we aren't even playing to win. The President refuses to level with the nation about what is needed to win, and in fact refuses to allocate funding and troops needed to win in case the public realizes the truth about the overwhelming burden he has put upon us in the middle of the war against terror. He constantly reassures us that we are just fine. Remember when the justification was WMD? Or then when we would be greeted with flowers? Remember when the "Mission" was "Accomplished?" And later the attacks on American soldiers were just some "dead-enders" who refused to see the light and would be dealt with quickly? Remember how capturing Saddam was sure to put a dent in the insurgency? Remember how controversial it was when the Army called it a "guerrilla war" and the administration said no, it wasn't?
We could have won Vietnam. The Tet Offensive was actually a huge military defeat for the communists, but it cost public support back home. A lot of people blamed (and still blame) the media for this. But it isn't true.
The fault lay with politicians who preferred simply to "not lose" over doing what it took to win. Why? Because winning in Vietnam would have cost a lot more than we were told, and any politician who, for instance, supported calling up twice as many draftees, spending twice as much money, and who pushed aggresive combat that might cause 10,000 casualties in the first month would likely be defeated in the next election. We could have invaded North Vietnam, but we didn't. Our elected leaders preferred 1000 deaths a month for 5 years over 10,000 deaths in a single month, even if we were likely to lose.
Should politics matter when our security is at stake? It wouldn't matter to me. It wouldn't matter to the soldiers. It shouldn't matter to politicians whose first loyalty should be our nation's security, not their own careers. What matters is winning or losing. If we aren't willing to do what is required to win then we shouldn't be doing it at all regardless of the next election.
But their careers did matter to the politicians, and as a result we ended up losing more lives in the long run, for nothing. The public turned against the war, but only after years of buying into the "light at the end of the tunnel" and "we are winning" and "things are better everyday" talk. Talk that wasn't true. Some blame the media for that, but that is way too easy.
The same media that supported the war in the beginning turned against it in the end. Rather than a shaper of opinions it seemed more like a mirror of public opinion. We could have won in Vietnam, but the lack of a strategy to win cost us that victory - not the media.
So what does all this have to do with Iraq?
We have no strategy to win, and the truth is being kept from us. The President says the media isn't reporting the truth about the good happening in Iraq, but in fact the media apparently isn't reporting how bad it really is in Iraq, how the insurgency has grown, how we blew our golden window of opportunity in the first few months after the fall of Saddam and are now confronting an ever-more organized, more determined enemy.
And those in the military trying to do their jobs, trying to win, are being prevented from doing so - just as they were in Vietnam. Because no news is good news, and if there is lots of bad news blame the media, not the administration. Bush prefers to keep the bad news to a minimum, even if it costs us more lives in the long run. Even if it risks defeat.
This isn't Vietnam. We can't afford to abandon Iraq. It seems the simple solution but it isn't. We can't go back in time and NOT invade, and so now we must do what it takes to win a stabilized, non-chaotic Iraq. And we are not doing that. We aren't doing what we should in order to win.
We have no strategy for victory in this war, yet incredibly the challenger is criticized for not having a complete and detailed strategy, not the incumbent. If I am in charge shouldn't I be the one to have the detailed plan, instead of criticizing others who point that out? We have no strategy to win other than to "stay the course."
One year ago we had fewer dead than we do now and the situation looked hopeful. Now we are suffering more casualties and the situation looks grim. Staying the course has harmed, not helped. Should we "stay the course" or should we adapt, as our enemies have done? It is obvious we must adapt. We are not.
Regardless of whether you agree or disagree with the decision to invade (and I thought it world-class stupid) we MUST WIN. This is NOT Vietnam. We lost there but our national security didn't suffer all that much. It cost us less to lose than it would have cost us to win. That isn't the case here. We must win. We are not.
Kerry is portrayed as flip-flopping on Iraq because he voted to give the president the authority yet later criticizes the war. In fact Kerry has been incredibly consistent. Read the speech he gave before he cast the vote giving the President the authority and see for yourself:http://www.independentsforkerry.org/uploads/media/kerry-iraq.html Kerry is called a flip-flopper on invading. He is not.
And, like myself, Kerry does not want to cut and run from Iraq. This is also portrayed as flip-flopping. It is not.
We need to have a strategy to win. This administration does not.
Those who would speak truth, including some very conservative people you would think the natural supporters of a Republican president, are getting into trouble for speaking the truth:http://www.govexec.com/features/0904-15/0904-15s3.htm
By the way, that second article is the story of a career army infantry officer and later deputy chief of public affairs for the Army who took a job with the Program Management Office in Baghdad as spokesperson and media advisor. He's a Vietnam combat veteran. During the Battle of Hue in January 1968, half his battalion was killed. He's also a partisan Republican. He advised the Bush 2000 presidential campaign on military management and regularly donates money to the GOP. He resigned from his synagogue in 1994 because he thought the leadership was too liberal. And while he refuses to be labeled a neoconservative, he believes the despotic Middle East can be turned democratic by force. And he wrote the book that I quoted to begin this post. His name is Charles Krohn.
Krohn was recently forced out from his Pentagon job for criticizing the Bush administration's management of the occupation. Even though everything he said was true. He was told he couldn't be "trusted."
The administration feels that those who criticize the president harm our cause. I respectfully disagree. Those that won't tell us the truth harm our cause. Those that refuse to adapt harm our cause. Those who "stay the course" even when the road curves are the ones that will drive us right off the cliff.
On Nov. 2nd the nation will decide if it prefers pleasant lies over truth. I believe we owe an obligation to the dead, and to our soldiers under fire today, to honor the truth.
Wednesday, September 22, 2004
The guy who wrote "Peace Train" denied entry - we have crazy people in charge of our security
This report suggest how inept the adminstration is at national security:
The singer formerly known as Cat Stevens was denied entry to the U.S. because of national security concerns.
Yusuf Islam, the former pop singer Cat Stevens, was removed from a plane bound for Washington from London Tuesday when his name showed up on a U.S. watchlist. The plane was diverted to Maine's Bangor International Airport. A department of Homeland Security (DHS) spokesman said Islam was denied admission to the United States "on national security grounds." He was questioned by the FBI and immigration officials. Islam, who recently spoke out against the massacre of more than 300 people in a Russian school, will be returned to England on Wednesday.
A statement posted on a fan-supported Web site says that listing Islam on a government watch list "is certainly an error."
The statement also calls it a "sad state of affairs" when "a peace-loving pop star can be grouped into the same category as Osama Bin Laden just because of his chosen faith."
Last year, Islam released two songs, including a re-recording of his '70s hit "Peace Train," to express his opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq.
Wow, am I glad they caught him before he could, uhhh, sing Kumbaya or hold a peace rally. He is REALLY dangerous. After all, he is probably writing songs for Osama and Iran recently allowed his songs to be sold there. And his name sounds Islamic - it's "Islam." What else do you need to know?
They diverted the plane in mid-flight, preventing him from attacking us with... rhetoric against all forms of violence. Whew. That was close. Really glad the Bush team is so on the job protecting us from former stars. Look out Muhammed Ali, you're next.
And they are still sending him back. Idiots. What's next, the attack of the teletubbies?
Oh, I forgot, they're homos anyway. Are they on the watch-list?
The singer formerly known as Cat Stevens was denied entry to the U.S. because of national security concerns.
Yusuf Islam, the former pop singer Cat Stevens, was removed from a plane bound for Washington from London Tuesday when his name showed up on a U.S. watchlist. The plane was diverted to Maine's Bangor International Airport. A department of Homeland Security (DHS) spokesman said Islam was denied admission to the United States "on national security grounds." He was questioned by the FBI and immigration officials. Islam, who recently spoke out against the massacre of more than 300 people in a Russian school, will be returned to England on Wednesday.
A statement posted on a fan-supported Web site says that listing Islam on a government watch list "is certainly an error."
The statement also calls it a "sad state of affairs" when "a peace-loving pop star can be grouped into the same category as Osama Bin Laden just because of his chosen faith."
Last year, Islam released two songs, including a re-recording of his '70s hit "Peace Train," to express his opposition to the U.S.-led war in Iraq.
Wow, am I glad they caught him before he could, uhhh, sing Kumbaya or hold a peace rally. He is REALLY dangerous. After all, he is probably writing songs for Osama and Iran recently allowed his songs to be sold there. And his name sounds Islamic - it's "Islam." What else do you need to know?
They diverted the plane in mid-flight, preventing him from attacking us with... rhetoric against all forms of violence. Whew. That was close. Really glad the Bush team is so on the job protecting us from former stars. Look out Muhammed Ali, you're next.
And they are still sending him back. Idiots. What's next, the attack of the teletubbies?
Oh, I forgot, they're homos anyway. Are they on the watch-list?
From a soldier in Iraq
This is from Ginmar, a soldier blogger in Iraq.
I believed what I was told.
My doubts have arisen because of what I've seen---and haven't seen. I believe there has to be a standard for democracy like there is for medicine: first do no harm. When the number of soldiers killed here equals the number of people killed on September 11th, will people be healed? Especially now, now that we have inadvertantly caused the very problem we supposedly came here to solve: Al Qaeda in Iraq.
They were not here before.Now they are.
That's all I have to say for now.
But for now I can say it here. And whoever wants me to fight and die, but do so with my lips zipped needs to discover what all despots do: frustrate free speech early, and watch it grow too large to contain later.Sooner or later. Decide. Let me talk now or let me and every one like me become so frustrated that it becomes too huge to contain.
Hopefully in about two months.
The full post is located at http://anotherviewfromabroad.blogspot.com/2004/09/not-in-any-official-capacity-mind-you.html
I believed what I was told.
My doubts have arisen because of what I've seen---and haven't seen. I believe there has to be a standard for democracy like there is for medicine: first do no harm. When the number of soldiers killed here equals the number of people killed on September 11th, will people be healed? Especially now, now that we have inadvertantly caused the very problem we supposedly came here to solve: Al Qaeda in Iraq.
They were not here before.Now they are.
That's all I have to say for now.
But for now I can say it here. And whoever wants me to fight and die, but do so with my lips zipped needs to discover what all despots do: frustrate free speech early, and watch it grow too large to contain later.Sooner or later. Decide. Let me talk now or let me and every one like me become so frustrated that it becomes too huge to contain.
Hopefully in about two months.
The full post is located at http://anotherviewfromabroad.blogspot.com/2004/09/not-in-any-official-capacity-mind-you.html
Sunday, September 19, 2004
Betrayal
On NBC's "Meet the Press," host Tim Russert asked former Rep. John Thune to respond to a recent fund-raising letter sent out by state GOP Chairman Randy Frederick that said Sen. Tom Daschle's complaints about the administration have brought "comfort to America's enemies."
Thune, a Republican aiming to unseat Daschle in November, said he would not have chosen those words. But Thune said he has talked to soldiers who could never vote for Daschle after his prewar comments that President Bush has failed miserably.
"What it does is emboldens our enemies and undermines the morale of our troops," Thune said.
FOR THAT ALONE YOU SHOULD VOTE DEMOCRAT. This brazen attempt to brand all dissent as "emboldening our enemies" and "undermining the morale of our troops" is as unpatriotic as you can get without taking up arms to destroy the Constitution.
Perhaps John Thune learned what undermines our troop morale when he served... uhh, when he enlisted in the... oh, well, it turns out he never served. I guess he had "other priorities."
And that liberal turn-coat commie bastard Daschle, in his efforts to embolden our enemies, never served... uhh, well, actually he is a veteran. He was an intelligence officer in the U.S. Air Force Strategic Air Command. Well, he probably just used his time in the military to learn how to undermine troop morale, while Thune didn't ever serve because he was spending too much time trying to figure out how to support the troops, right?
Hypocritical bastard. The closest Thune ever came to serving was when he spoke to the soldiers he mentioned would "never vote for Daschle" because of his comments that President Bush has failed miserably.
Because telling the truth is unpatriotic, and soldiers would never want that. The truth undermines our morale. Thank God for people like Thune who keep us from such unpleasantness or we would all drop our rifles and run - or, perhaps, have our daddies wangle us a safe spot in the Guard. Oh, the Guard is deployed, with tens of thousands of reservists pulling multiple tours and spending years on active duty? So what is actually in reserve then? ooops, I'm undermining troop morale now. Sorry. I just won't ask questions anymore. It is unpatriotic and gives aid and comfort to our enemies.
Thune, a Republican aiming to unseat Daschle in November, said he would not have chosen those words. But Thune said he has talked to soldiers who could never vote for Daschle after his prewar comments that President Bush has failed miserably.
"What it does is emboldens our enemies and undermines the morale of our troops," Thune said.
FOR THAT ALONE YOU SHOULD VOTE DEMOCRAT. This brazen attempt to brand all dissent as "emboldening our enemies" and "undermining the morale of our troops" is as unpatriotic as you can get without taking up arms to destroy the Constitution.
Perhaps John Thune learned what undermines our troop morale when he served... uhh, when he enlisted in the... oh, well, it turns out he never served. I guess he had "other priorities."
And that liberal turn-coat commie bastard Daschle, in his efforts to embolden our enemies, never served... uhh, well, actually he is a veteran. He was an intelligence officer in the U.S. Air Force Strategic Air Command. Well, he probably just used his time in the military to learn how to undermine troop morale, while Thune didn't ever serve because he was spending too much time trying to figure out how to support the troops, right?
Hypocritical bastard. The closest Thune ever came to serving was when he spoke to the soldiers he mentioned would "never vote for Daschle" because of his comments that President Bush has failed miserably.
Because telling the truth is unpatriotic, and soldiers would never want that. The truth undermines our morale. Thank God for people like Thune who keep us from such unpleasantness or we would all drop our rifles and run - or, perhaps, have our daddies wangle us a safe spot in the Guard. Oh, the Guard is deployed, with tens of thousands of reservists pulling multiple tours and spending years on active duty? So what is actually in reserve then? ooops, I'm undermining troop morale now. Sorry. I just won't ask questions anymore. It is unpatriotic and gives aid and comfort to our enemies.
Saturday, September 18, 2004
Honors Galore
I have been inducted into the Ancient and Hermetic Order of the Shrill. The Esteemed Order of the Shrill is limited to those who were once sane, fair, and balanced, but who have been driven into shrill unholy madness by one or more of the mendacity, malevolence, incompetence, or simple disconnection from reality of the George W. Bush administration.
To all who shall see these hallowed greetings, presents:
More Vets Join The Order
It isn't just the powerful and famous. Vets fresh from the front lines are joining in droves. Blogger buggieboy is one them, and now one of us:
"This U.S. Army website discusses terrorism in a realistic manner, showing that Al Queda is not the only enemy we face and that 9/11 "changed the world" only for the uninformed. Any national security professionals that didn't realize the danger of terrorism before 9/11 are incompetent and should not be given responsibility for our defense. This includes the entire Bush administration team."
His resume lists the 101st Airborne Division, the Second Infantry Division, and the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment. Does it list the Shrill Boat Veterans for Truth?
I don't know why they thought I was "fresh from the front" but I am pretty fresh. :) I'm not famous. But now that I am in the "Order" I am powerful (Lefty, your dark imperial overlord title has some competition).
The site is http://shrillblog.blogspot.com/
To all who shall see these hallowed greetings, presents:
More Vets Join The Order
It isn't just the powerful and famous. Vets fresh from the front lines are joining in droves. Blogger buggieboy is one them, and now one of us:
"This U.S. Army website discusses terrorism in a realistic manner, showing that Al Queda is not the only enemy we face and that 9/11 "changed the world" only for the uninformed. Any national security professionals that didn't realize the danger of terrorism before 9/11 are incompetent and should not be given responsibility for our defense. This includes the entire Bush administration team."
His resume lists the 101st Airborne Division, the Second Infantry Division, and the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment. Does it list the Shrill Boat Veterans for Truth?
I don't know why they thought I was "fresh from the front" but I am pretty fresh. :) I'm not famous. But now that I am in the "Order" I am powerful (Lefty, your dark imperial overlord title has some competition).
The site is http://shrillblog.blogspot.com/
Thursday, September 16, 2004
I wish I had to say I was wrong. But, sadly, I was not.
I wrote this and it was published in my law school newspaper early March 2003, shortly before we invaded. I told a conservative friend at the time "I really hope you can call me and make fun of me a year or two from now and tell me how wrong I was." I really, really wanted to be wrong. I wasn't.
EDITORIAL: WHAT WOULD GEORGE W(ASHINGTON) DO?
March 8, 2003
by [TWD], 2L
Many Americans think that those who don’t support the President on Iraq don’t support the military. That some peace protestors are anti-military or socialists or communists or even anti-American lends support to this belief. Some equate any questioning of the President’s foreign policy as appeasement, and seem to feel that those who doubt the wisdom of an invasion would rather support Saddam Hussein. But perhaps they would be more comfortable in Iraq – citizens there don’t question their president. They blindly cheer Saddam without asking questions.
They aren’t allowed to.
I think support for our soldiers is not the same thing as support for the President. And vice versa.
I believe it is not only my right, but my responsibility, to try and ensure our nation’s security, to try and ensure our nation does the right thing. I don’t think an invasion of Iraq is the right thing – not because I support an evil tyrant like Saddam Hussein, but because no credible evidence has been presented that Iraq is a threat to our nation. None at all.
I support a war on terrorists, and I think North Korea is a real danger to us, but not Iraq. And not without justification. And not without the support of our allies. And not when the Iraqi link to Al Queda has been shown to be a lie. I get very nervous when a President lies to the American people in order to build support for such a vital decision.
To some that means I don’t think we should defend ourselves. But I do believe the United States has a right to defend itself. That is why I proudly served as a rifleman in the 101st Airborne, and other infantry units around the world. I think we should kill the terrorists where we find them, and destroy any government that threatens our way of life. All I would ask for is some reassurance that my actions would help our Republic and not endanger it. Some, including apparently the President, would rather I not ask any questions. Just as in Iraq no one questions Saddam.
I have been on casualty notification teams. I would ask Mr. Bush if he knows what it is like to tell a farmer and his wife that their son, their pride and joy, the son that they nursed, loved, taught to ride a bicycle, that their son is not coming home anymore. And then, as their shattered faces collapse and the light goes out of their eyes, to then have to answer the question from them “Was it worth it? Did our boy die for a good reason?” Should I answer “I don’t know. I never asked?” And does Mr. Bush know what it is like to take a human life, and how desperately soldiers need to believe that doing so was the right thing to do? And still, if it is the right thing to do, I think we should go.
My problem is that “if.” Because if it is not the right thing to do, then we should not do it, even at this late date, even with 300,000 troops already deployed, and even if it would embarrass us. I think if we invade for the wrong reasons then the rest of the world, fairly acquiescent about our power, would see us as the threat. Would we be better off then?
If the risks of not going to war are higher than going to war, then we should fight. If not, then the best thing to do is to avoid a fight. But information is required for that decision, and it is not a decision for the President alone. It is a decision we should make as a nation.
The President falsely tried to link Iraq to Al Queda and could not. Yet he still talks constantly about 9/11 when asked to justify an invasion of a country that had nothing to do with it. He next claimed that an invasion was justified because Saddam is a tyrant, but we cooperate with Saudi Arabia – the nation that gave the most support to the hijackers – and so many other tyrants that I don’t have time or space to list them. Finally, he claims that Saddam has weapons of mass destruction. Yes he does, we have known that for over 20 years. So does Pakistan, so does North Korea, so do many countries. What makes Saddam different? Well, the President claims that Saddam “might” use them against us. If we invade he certainly will. How does this make the world a safer place?
Don’t get the wrong idea - I don’t think we need sit around and be hit before responding. We should attack first rather than wait and be attacked. But what evidence does the President have to support his view that Iraq will (or even can) attack the United States, or that Iraq will shortly have atomic weapons?
It appears that he has none, or that he doesn’t feel he needs to share it with his fellow citizens, or even more frightening, doesn’t think he even needs it.
But didn’t he take an oath to serve us, not the other way around? Aren’t we the boss? Ultimately, isn’t this a government of the people, by the people, and for the people? Should we take Mr. Bush’s word for it, and require nothing more, in order to send the sons and daughters of our nation off to war? Is that patriotic?
As a soldier, I took an oath to the Constitution, not to the President. I guess some feel there is something wrong with that too. But I would like them to try and tell that to the soldiers of the United States Army, who understand very well that they are the guardians of the Republic and our Constitution, and not the servants of George W. Bush.
So as a patriot, I will continue to question and fulfill my duties as a citizen. If some would rather blindly follow where a leader tells them to go, that is their right. I won’t though.
And neither did George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, or any of our founding fathers, who rebelled against another George who felt that the people should serve him, instead of him serving the people. I wonder if many supporters of this war would have taken up arms against King George III, or would they instead have insulted Washington and his ragtag troops, calling them traitors to the crown?
I guess my view on the war makes me unpatriotic. But I will stand with the soldiers who took the oath to the Constitution. And if we go forward into Iraq I will support our military, whether the decision to send them was right or wrong. They don’t have the luxury of making that choice for themselves, and shouldn’t be blamed if it is a mistake. They depend on their fellow citizens to get it right. They depend on us, the people, to risk their lives only when it is the right thing to do.
What an amazing amount of trust it takes to put your life in the hands of your fellow citizens, to forego many of the freedoms of civilian life so that others can enjoy that freedom. How wonderful that we have young men and women willing to do that for our nation. We owe them so much. We owe them our freedom. And if we send in them in mistakenly, we shouldn’t blame them. We owe them an apology. We will have failed them, not the other way around.
So I will try my best to get it right. I will march in protests and demand that the President justify a war with real evidence, instead of lies and “what might happen.” I will demand the President show that a war will make things better for our nation, that it is right and just.
If he can do so, then I support an invasion. If he can’t, or refuses to do so, then I am against it. I think I owe our brave soldiers that much. I am sorry that some don’t think they owe them as much as I do. But they can think whatever they want because of the Founders of our Republic. The ones who created our Republic because they thought it was right to question authority.
God Bless America.
EDITORIAL: WHAT WOULD GEORGE W(ASHINGTON) DO?
March 8, 2003
by [TWD], 2L
Many Americans think that those who don’t support the President on Iraq don’t support the military. That some peace protestors are anti-military or socialists or communists or even anti-American lends support to this belief. Some equate any questioning of the President’s foreign policy as appeasement, and seem to feel that those who doubt the wisdom of an invasion would rather support Saddam Hussein. But perhaps they would be more comfortable in Iraq – citizens there don’t question their president. They blindly cheer Saddam without asking questions.
They aren’t allowed to.
I think support for our soldiers is not the same thing as support for the President. And vice versa.
I believe it is not only my right, but my responsibility, to try and ensure our nation’s security, to try and ensure our nation does the right thing. I don’t think an invasion of Iraq is the right thing – not because I support an evil tyrant like Saddam Hussein, but because no credible evidence has been presented that Iraq is a threat to our nation. None at all.
I support a war on terrorists, and I think North Korea is a real danger to us, but not Iraq. And not without justification. And not without the support of our allies. And not when the Iraqi link to Al Queda has been shown to be a lie. I get very nervous when a President lies to the American people in order to build support for such a vital decision.
To some that means I don’t think we should defend ourselves. But I do believe the United States has a right to defend itself. That is why I proudly served as a rifleman in the 101st Airborne, and other infantry units around the world. I think we should kill the terrorists where we find them, and destroy any government that threatens our way of life. All I would ask for is some reassurance that my actions would help our Republic and not endanger it. Some, including apparently the President, would rather I not ask any questions. Just as in Iraq no one questions Saddam.
I have been on casualty notification teams. I would ask Mr. Bush if he knows what it is like to tell a farmer and his wife that their son, their pride and joy, the son that they nursed, loved, taught to ride a bicycle, that their son is not coming home anymore. And then, as their shattered faces collapse and the light goes out of their eyes, to then have to answer the question from them “Was it worth it? Did our boy die for a good reason?” Should I answer “I don’t know. I never asked?” And does Mr. Bush know what it is like to take a human life, and how desperately soldiers need to believe that doing so was the right thing to do? And still, if it is the right thing to do, I think we should go.
My problem is that “if.” Because if it is not the right thing to do, then we should not do it, even at this late date, even with 300,000 troops already deployed, and even if it would embarrass us. I think if we invade for the wrong reasons then the rest of the world, fairly acquiescent about our power, would see us as the threat. Would we be better off then?
If the risks of not going to war are higher than going to war, then we should fight. If not, then the best thing to do is to avoid a fight. But information is required for that decision, and it is not a decision for the President alone. It is a decision we should make as a nation.
The President falsely tried to link Iraq to Al Queda and could not. Yet he still talks constantly about 9/11 when asked to justify an invasion of a country that had nothing to do with it. He next claimed that an invasion was justified because Saddam is a tyrant, but we cooperate with Saudi Arabia – the nation that gave the most support to the hijackers – and so many other tyrants that I don’t have time or space to list them. Finally, he claims that Saddam has weapons of mass destruction. Yes he does, we have known that for over 20 years. So does Pakistan, so does North Korea, so do many countries. What makes Saddam different? Well, the President claims that Saddam “might” use them against us. If we invade he certainly will. How does this make the world a safer place?
Don’t get the wrong idea - I don’t think we need sit around and be hit before responding. We should attack first rather than wait and be attacked. But what evidence does the President have to support his view that Iraq will (or even can) attack the United States, or that Iraq will shortly have atomic weapons?
It appears that he has none, or that he doesn’t feel he needs to share it with his fellow citizens, or even more frightening, doesn’t think he even needs it.
But didn’t he take an oath to serve us, not the other way around? Aren’t we the boss? Ultimately, isn’t this a government of the people, by the people, and for the people? Should we take Mr. Bush’s word for it, and require nothing more, in order to send the sons and daughters of our nation off to war? Is that patriotic?
As a soldier, I took an oath to the Constitution, not to the President. I guess some feel there is something wrong with that too. But I would like them to try and tell that to the soldiers of the United States Army, who understand very well that they are the guardians of the Republic and our Constitution, and not the servants of George W. Bush.
So as a patriot, I will continue to question and fulfill my duties as a citizen. If some would rather blindly follow where a leader tells them to go, that is their right. I won’t though.
And neither did George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, or any of our founding fathers, who rebelled against another George who felt that the people should serve him, instead of him serving the people. I wonder if many supporters of this war would have taken up arms against King George III, or would they instead have insulted Washington and his ragtag troops, calling them traitors to the crown?
I guess my view on the war makes me unpatriotic. But I will stand with the soldiers who took the oath to the Constitution. And if we go forward into Iraq I will support our military, whether the decision to send them was right or wrong. They don’t have the luxury of making that choice for themselves, and shouldn’t be blamed if it is a mistake. They depend on their fellow citizens to get it right. They depend on us, the people, to risk their lives only when it is the right thing to do.
What an amazing amount of trust it takes to put your life in the hands of your fellow citizens, to forego many of the freedoms of civilian life so that others can enjoy that freedom. How wonderful that we have young men and women willing to do that for our nation. We owe them so much. We owe them our freedom. And if we send in them in mistakenly, we shouldn’t blame them. We owe them an apology. We will have failed them, not the other way around.
So I will try my best to get it right. I will march in protests and demand that the President justify a war with real evidence, instead of lies and “what might happen.” I will demand the President show that a war will make things better for our nation, that it is right and just.
If he can do so, then I support an invasion. If he can’t, or refuses to do so, then I am against it. I think I owe our brave soldiers that much. I am sorry that some don’t think they owe them as much as I do. But they can think whatever they want because of the Founders of our Republic. The ones who created our Republic because they thought it was right to question authority.
God Bless America.
Tuesday, September 14, 2004
Taking on the Myth
I know people hate it when I just cut and paste, but this is really worth reading.
Taking On the Myth
By PAUL KRUGMAN
On Sunday, a celebrating crowd gathered around a burning U.S. armored vehicle. Then a helicopter opened fire; a child and a journalist for an Arabic TV news channel were among those killed. Later, the channel repeatedly showed the journalist doubling over and screaming, "I'm dying; I'm dying."
Such scenes, which enlarge the ranks of our enemies by making America look both weak and brutal, are inevitable in the guerrilla war President Bush got us into. Osama bin Laden must be smiling.
U.S. news organizations are under constant pressure to report good news from Iraq. In fact, as a Newsweek headline puts it, "It's worse than you think." Attacks on coalition forces are intensifying and getting more effective; no-go zones, which the military prefers to call "insurgent enclaves," are spreading - even in Baghdad. We're losing ground.
And the losses aren't only in Iraq. Al Qaeda has regrouped. The invasion of Iraq, intended to demonstrate American power, has done just the opposite: nasty regimes around the world feel empowered now that our forces are bogged down. When a Times reporter asked Mr. Bush about North Korea's ongoing nuclear program, "he opened his palms and shrugged."
Yet many voters still believe that Mr. Bush is doing a good job protecting America.
If Senator John Kerry really has advisers telling him not to attack Mr. Bush on national security, he should dump them. When Dick Cheney is saying vote Bush or die, responding with speeches about jobs and health care doesn't cut it.
Mr. Kerry should counterattack by saying that Mr. Bush is endangering the nation by subordinating national security to politics.
In early 2002 the Bush administration, already focused on Iraq, ignored pleas to commit more forces to Afghanistan. As a result, the Taliban is resurgent, and Osama is still out there.
In the buildup to the Iraq war, commanders wanted a bigger invasion force to help secure the country. But civilian officials, eager to prove that wars can be fought on the cheap, refused. And that's one main reason our soldiers are still dying in Iraq.
This past April, U.S. forces, surely acting on White House orders after American television showed gruesome images of dead contractors, attacked Falluja. Lt. Gen. James Conway, the Marine commander on the scene, opposed "attacking out of revenge" but was overruled - and he was overruled again with an equally disastrous decision to call off the attack after it had begun. "Once you commit," General Conway said, "you got to stay committed." But Mr. Bush, faced with the prospect of a casualty toll that would have hurt his approval rating, didn't.
Can Mr. Kerry, who voted to authorize the Iraq war, criticize it? Yes, by pointing out that he voted only to give Mr. Bush a big stick. Once that stick had forced Saddam to let W.M.D. inspectors back in, there was no need to invade. And Mr. Kerry should keep pounding Mr. Cheney, who is trying to cover for the absence of W.M.D. by lying, yet again, about Saddam's ties to Al Qaeda.
Some pundits are demanding that Mr. Kerry produce a specific plan for Iraq - a demand they never make of Mr. Bush. Mr. Kerry should turn the tables, and demand to know what - aside from pretending that things are going fine - Mr. Bush intends to do about the spiraling disaster. And Mr. Kerry can ask why anyone should trust a leader who refuses to replace the people who created that disaster because he thinks it's bad politics to admit a mistake.
Mr. Kerry can argue that he wouldn't have overruled the commanders who had wanted to keep the pressure on Al Qaeda, or dismissed warnings from former Gen. Eric Shinseki, then the Army's chief of staff, that peacekeeping would require a large force. He wouldn't have ignored General Conway's warnings about the dangers of storming into Falluja, or overruled his protests about calling off that assault halfway through.
On the other hand, he can argue that he would have fired Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy defense secretary who ridiculed General Shinseki. And he would definitely have fired Donald Rumsfeld for the failure to go in with enough troops, the atrocities at Abu Ghraib and more.
The truth is that Mr. Bush, by politicizing the "war on terror," is putting America at risk. And Mr. Kerry has to say that.
Taking On the Myth
By PAUL KRUGMAN
On Sunday, a celebrating crowd gathered around a burning U.S. armored vehicle. Then a helicopter opened fire; a child and a journalist for an Arabic TV news channel were among those killed. Later, the channel repeatedly showed the journalist doubling over and screaming, "I'm dying; I'm dying."
Such scenes, which enlarge the ranks of our enemies by making America look both weak and brutal, are inevitable in the guerrilla war President Bush got us into. Osama bin Laden must be smiling.
U.S. news organizations are under constant pressure to report good news from Iraq. In fact, as a Newsweek headline puts it, "It's worse than you think." Attacks on coalition forces are intensifying and getting more effective; no-go zones, which the military prefers to call "insurgent enclaves," are spreading - even in Baghdad. We're losing ground.
And the losses aren't only in Iraq. Al Qaeda has regrouped. The invasion of Iraq, intended to demonstrate American power, has done just the opposite: nasty regimes around the world feel empowered now that our forces are bogged down. When a Times reporter asked Mr. Bush about North Korea's ongoing nuclear program, "he opened his palms and shrugged."
Yet many voters still believe that Mr. Bush is doing a good job protecting America.
If Senator John Kerry really has advisers telling him not to attack Mr. Bush on national security, he should dump them. When Dick Cheney is saying vote Bush or die, responding with speeches about jobs and health care doesn't cut it.
Mr. Kerry should counterattack by saying that Mr. Bush is endangering the nation by subordinating national security to politics.
In early 2002 the Bush administration, already focused on Iraq, ignored pleas to commit more forces to Afghanistan. As a result, the Taliban is resurgent, and Osama is still out there.
In the buildup to the Iraq war, commanders wanted a bigger invasion force to help secure the country. But civilian officials, eager to prove that wars can be fought on the cheap, refused. And that's one main reason our soldiers are still dying in Iraq.
This past April, U.S. forces, surely acting on White House orders after American television showed gruesome images of dead contractors, attacked Falluja. Lt. Gen. James Conway, the Marine commander on the scene, opposed "attacking out of revenge" but was overruled - and he was overruled again with an equally disastrous decision to call off the attack after it had begun. "Once you commit," General Conway said, "you got to stay committed." But Mr. Bush, faced with the prospect of a casualty toll that would have hurt his approval rating, didn't.
Can Mr. Kerry, who voted to authorize the Iraq war, criticize it? Yes, by pointing out that he voted only to give Mr. Bush a big stick. Once that stick had forced Saddam to let W.M.D. inspectors back in, there was no need to invade. And Mr. Kerry should keep pounding Mr. Cheney, who is trying to cover for the absence of W.M.D. by lying, yet again, about Saddam's ties to Al Qaeda.
Some pundits are demanding that Mr. Kerry produce a specific plan for Iraq - a demand they never make of Mr. Bush. Mr. Kerry should turn the tables, and demand to know what - aside from pretending that things are going fine - Mr. Bush intends to do about the spiraling disaster. And Mr. Kerry can ask why anyone should trust a leader who refuses to replace the people who created that disaster because he thinks it's bad politics to admit a mistake.
Mr. Kerry can argue that he wouldn't have overruled the commanders who had wanted to keep the pressure on Al Qaeda, or dismissed warnings from former Gen. Eric Shinseki, then the Army's chief of staff, that peacekeeping would require a large force. He wouldn't have ignored General Conway's warnings about the dangers of storming into Falluja, or overruled his protests about calling off that assault halfway through.
On the other hand, he can argue that he would have fired Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy defense secretary who ridiculed General Shinseki. And he would definitely have fired Donald Rumsfeld for the failure to go in with enough troops, the atrocities at Abu Ghraib and more.
The truth is that Mr. Bush, by politicizing the "war on terror," is putting America at risk. And Mr. Kerry has to say that.
Saturday, September 11, 2004
The Truth Is, 9/11 Should Have Surprised Nobody in the National Security Community, But It Did - Why Trust Them Now?
http://www.army.mil/terrorism/1999-1990/index.html
This U.S. Army website discusses terrorism in a realistic manner, showing that Al Queda is not the only enemy we face and that 9/11 "changed the world" only for the uninformed. Any national security professionals that didn't realize the danger of terrorism before 9/11 are incompetent and should not be given responsibility for our defense. This includes the entire Bush administration team. They ignored the warnings of the outgoing Clinton administration. They are incompetent.
This US Army website details the history of anti-American terrorism from the early '60s to the present. The '90s started with an attack by the Tupac Amaru, who bombed the US embassy in Peru in Jan. 1990, and ended with the Columbian terrorist PLA kidnapping a US citizen in Dec. 1999. Meanwhile our current leadership focuses on Iraq and ignores even Al Queda. And this administration ignored the terrorist threat until 9/11, and then tried to blame the Clinton administration. Ignorance is not bliss, it is deadly. We can no longer afford the ignorance and ideologues of the Bush administration. We can't afford more mistakes.
But the right will probably call this apolitical Army website "leftist" and "biased" as well. Read it before Rumsfeld orders it "cleansed" and it becomes a partisan pro-Bush slanted page that ignores the truth.
"But I want to make it clear to the American people that while we can defeat terrorists, it will be a long time before we defeat terrorism. America will remain a target because we are uniquely present in the world, because we act to advance peace and democracy, because we have taken a tougher stand against terrorism, and because we are the most open society on earth." President William J. Clinton, August 6, 1996
This U.S. Army website discusses terrorism in a realistic manner, showing that Al Queda is not the only enemy we face and that 9/11 "changed the world" only for the uninformed. Any national security professionals that didn't realize the danger of terrorism before 9/11 are incompetent and should not be given responsibility for our defense. This includes the entire Bush administration team. They ignored the warnings of the outgoing Clinton administration. They are incompetent.
This US Army website details the history of anti-American terrorism from the early '60s to the present. The '90s started with an attack by the Tupac Amaru, who bombed the US embassy in Peru in Jan. 1990, and ended with the Columbian terrorist PLA kidnapping a US citizen in Dec. 1999. Meanwhile our current leadership focuses on Iraq and ignores even Al Queda. And this administration ignored the terrorist threat until 9/11, and then tried to blame the Clinton administration. Ignorance is not bliss, it is deadly. We can no longer afford the ignorance and ideologues of the Bush administration. We can't afford more mistakes.
But the right will probably call this apolitical Army website "leftist" and "biased" as well. Read it before Rumsfeld orders it "cleansed" and it becomes a partisan pro-Bush slanted page that ignores the truth.
"But I want to make it clear to the American people that while we can defeat terrorists, it will be a long time before we defeat terrorism. America will remain a target because we are uniquely present in the world, because we act to advance peace and democracy, because we have taken a tougher stand against terrorism, and because we are the most open society on earth." President William J. Clinton, August 6, 1996
Wednesday, September 08, 2004
False conflict
The Republicans are making much of the fact that during the primary campaign Kerry challenged Howard Dean's anti-war stance by proclaiming:
"those who doubted whether Iraq or the world would be better off without Saddam Hussein, and those who believe today that we are not safer with his capture, don't have the judgment to be president or the credibility to be elected president."
They are contrasting it with his recent "wrong war at the wrong time" remarks as an example of flip-floppery, asking "which time was Kerry right, then or now?" It is a false conflict.
The answer: Kerry was right BOTH TIMES. They aren't mutually exclusive. That isn't a "flip-flop," and the fact that the Bush campaign doesn't appear to understand it shows just how lacking in analytical reasoning ability the administration really is. We should not have invaded, and we are better off now that Saddam has been captured. NO CONFLICT and no flip-floppery.
In short, Saddam was a threat but Bush's invasion solution did more harm than good. The world is better off with Saddam gone. We would have been better off without invading to remove him. Confused? Too "nuanced?" Fine. As long as you aren't in charge of our military and putting soldiers in harm's way you can be confused. I expect more from a president though.
This President and his national security team is in charge of our safety in a complicated and dangerous world, but he doesn't appear to have the ability to grasp complicated concepts, instead preferring to ridicule "nuance" and championing an anti-intellectual attitude. As a result of this action-movie hero mentality we have made disastrous mistakes (such as invading Iraq) and continue to make them. We end up with simplistic solutions to complex problems. We spend hundreds of billions of dollars and over 1,000 US lives (and thousands and thousands more wounded) and the result is we are less secure than before. And the most immediate threat to us, Islamic Terrorism, is stronger than before. Why in the world should the man responsible for that be given another chance? Because people want to believe, they want to feel good, they don't want to face reality. They don't want to think that 1,000 dead didn't help. They don't want to be afraid. So they follow.
As a side note, this anti-"egghead" attitude that ridicules intellectualism seemingly disqualifies for command such bookish well-read intellectuals as Patton, Rommel, Bradley, MacArthur, Eisenhower, Zhukov, Le Clerc, Yamamoto, and Maxwell Taylor. But hey, it's popular, it makes for great sound-bites, and it will lead to votes.
We shouldn't have invaded, and even if we did we shouldn't have done it in the manner we did (no allies, no plan for political consolidation of military success, not enough troops, etc. etc.), and even then Saddam was still our enemy and a threat, so it is good that he is gone. It just wasn't worth the cost to our national security. And we are NOT safer than before, we are less safe. We will be even worse off than now if we lose and Iraq descends into chaos or turns into "Iraqistan." But that doesn't for one second mean it was a good idea to invade. It was a mistake and our President was the one that made it. I won't vote for somebody with such a terrible national security track record, especially one that has manipulated the truth of 9/11 and WMDs so much that he runs on national security as a STRENGTH.
It is another example of the right-wing's inability to count above two. And it is why, when I say that the invasion was world-class stupid, I always have people try and convince me that we should stay in Iraq and that pulling out would be a disaster. "I agree" I tell them, and then they say "but you said you were against the war." "Yes," I tell them, "I was, and am. It was world-class stupid, and now we need to stabilize Iraq, and I am glad Saddam is gone." And they call me a flip-flopper too.
But don't take my word for it. Here is an excerpt from a US Army Strategic Studies Institute monograph:
"The war against Iraq was a detour from, not an integral component of, the war on terrorism; in fact, Operation IRAQI FREEDOM may have expanded the terrorist threat by establishing a large new American target set in an Arab heartland.... Indeed, homeland security is probably the greatest GWOT (Global War On Terrorism) opportunity cost of the war against Iraq.... [Now that we have invaded,] Establishing democracy in Iraq is clearly a desirable objective, and the United States should do whatever it can to accomplish that goal."
http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/pdffiles/00200.pdf
One more thing as we sadly pass 1,000 US KIA in Iraq. The Army predicted all of this and was ignored. Ideology trumped reality, and still does. A U.S. Army study on reconstructing Iraq was published the month before Operation IRAQI FREEDOM was launched. It warned:
"If the war is rapid with few casualties, the occupation will probably be characterized by an initial honeymoon period during which the United States will reap the benefits of ridding the population of a brutal dictator. Nevertheless, most Iraqis and most other Arabs will probably assume that the United States intervened in Iraq for its own reasons and not to liberate the population. Long-term gratitude is unlikely and suspicion of U.S. motives will increase as the occupation continues. A force initially viewed as liberators can rapidly be relegated to the status of invaders should an unwelcome occupation continue for a prolonged time. Occupation problems may be especially acute if the United States must implement the bulk of the occupation itself rather than turn these duties over to a postwar international force." Reconstructing Iraq: Insights, Challenges, and Missions for Military Forces in a Post-Conflict Scenario, Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, February, 2003, p. 17.
And yet the President declared the end to major combat operations hundreds of casualties ago, shortly after our defeat of the Iraqi military. Did he or his staff bother to even read what the Army was saying all along? Didn't he know we were in a "honeymoon" period and that we had a critical window of opportunity that we must seize upon in order to consolidate our military success? No, he didn't. 1,000 US dead later and we are less safe than before and the President was surprised by events that our military was clearly predicting. Don't we deserve better? Don't our troops deserve better?
"those who doubted whether Iraq or the world would be better off without Saddam Hussein, and those who believe today that we are not safer with his capture, don't have the judgment to be president or the credibility to be elected president."
They are contrasting it with his recent "wrong war at the wrong time" remarks as an example of flip-floppery, asking "which time was Kerry right, then or now?" It is a false conflict.
The answer: Kerry was right BOTH TIMES. They aren't mutually exclusive. That isn't a "flip-flop," and the fact that the Bush campaign doesn't appear to understand it shows just how lacking in analytical reasoning ability the administration really is. We should not have invaded, and we are better off now that Saddam has been captured. NO CONFLICT and no flip-floppery.
In short, Saddam was a threat but Bush's invasion solution did more harm than good. The world is better off with Saddam gone. We would have been better off without invading to remove him. Confused? Too "nuanced?" Fine. As long as you aren't in charge of our military and putting soldiers in harm's way you can be confused. I expect more from a president though.
This President and his national security team is in charge of our safety in a complicated and dangerous world, but he doesn't appear to have the ability to grasp complicated concepts, instead preferring to ridicule "nuance" and championing an anti-intellectual attitude. As a result of this action-movie hero mentality we have made disastrous mistakes (such as invading Iraq) and continue to make them. We end up with simplistic solutions to complex problems. We spend hundreds of billions of dollars and over 1,000 US lives (and thousands and thousands more wounded) and the result is we are less secure than before. And the most immediate threat to us, Islamic Terrorism, is stronger than before. Why in the world should the man responsible for that be given another chance? Because people want to believe, they want to feel good, they don't want to face reality. They don't want to think that 1,000 dead didn't help. They don't want to be afraid. So they follow.
As a side note, this anti-"egghead" attitude that ridicules intellectualism seemingly disqualifies for command such bookish well-read intellectuals as Patton, Rommel, Bradley, MacArthur, Eisenhower, Zhukov, Le Clerc, Yamamoto, and Maxwell Taylor. But hey, it's popular, it makes for great sound-bites, and it will lead to votes.
We shouldn't have invaded, and even if we did we shouldn't have done it in the manner we did (no allies, no plan for political consolidation of military success, not enough troops, etc. etc.), and even then Saddam was still our enemy and a threat, so it is good that he is gone. It just wasn't worth the cost to our national security. And we are NOT safer than before, we are less safe. We will be even worse off than now if we lose and Iraq descends into chaos or turns into "Iraqistan." But that doesn't for one second mean it was a good idea to invade. It was a mistake and our President was the one that made it. I won't vote for somebody with such a terrible national security track record, especially one that has manipulated the truth of 9/11 and WMDs so much that he runs on national security as a STRENGTH.
It is another example of the right-wing's inability to count above two. And it is why, when I say that the invasion was world-class stupid, I always have people try and convince me that we should stay in Iraq and that pulling out would be a disaster. "I agree" I tell them, and then they say "but you said you were against the war." "Yes," I tell them, "I was, and am. It was world-class stupid, and now we need to stabilize Iraq, and I am glad Saddam is gone." And they call me a flip-flopper too.
But don't take my word for it. Here is an excerpt from a US Army Strategic Studies Institute monograph:
"The war against Iraq was a detour from, not an integral component of, the war on terrorism; in fact, Operation IRAQI FREEDOM may have expanded the terrorist threat by establishing a large new American target set in an Arab heartland.... Indeed, homeland security is probably the greatest GWOT (Global War On Terrorism) opportunity cost of the war against Iraq.... [Now that we have invaded,] Establishing democracy in Iraq is clearly a desirable objective, and the United States should do whatever it can to accomplish that goal."
http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/pdffiles/00200.pdf
One more thing as we sadly pass 1,000 US KIA in Iraq. The Army predicted all of this and was ignored. Ideology trumped reality, and still does. A U.S. Army study on reconstructing Iraq was published the month before Operation IRAQI FREEDOM was launched. It warned:
"If the war is rapid with few casualties, the occupation will probably be characterized by an initial honeymoon period during which the United States will reap the benefits of ridding the population of a brutal dictator. Nevertheless, most Iraqis and most other Arabs will probably assume that the United States intervened in Iraq for its own reasons and not to liberate the population. Long-term gratitude is unlikely and suspicion of U.S. motives will increase as the occupation continues. A force initially viewed as liberators can rapidly be relegated to the status of invaders should an unwelcome occupation continue for a prolonged time. Occupation problems may be especially acute if the United States must implement the bulk of the occupation itself rather than turn these duties over to a postwar international force." Reconstructing Iraq: Insights, Challenges, and Missions for Military Forces in a Post-Conflict Scenario, Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, February, 2003, p. 17.
And yet the President declared the end to major combat operations hundreds of casualties ago, shortly after our defeat of the Iraqi military. Did he or his staff bother to even read what the Army was saying all along? Didn't he know we were in a "honeymoon" period and that we had a critical window of opportunity that we must seize upon in order to consolidate our military success? No, he didn't. 1,000 US dead later and we are less safe than before and the President was surprised by events that our military was clearly predicting. Don't we deserve better? Don't our troops deserve better?
Monday, September 06, 2004
Instapundit? I think not.
Recently I was advised to check out Instapundit (again) for an unbiased view of the world. Instapundit is the blog name of an extreme right-wing law professor at the University of Tennessee.
Here is an example of how Instapundit, Fox, Michelle Malkin, and others manipulate the truth in order to manipulate the electorate, and one reason I don't check out Instapundit for reliable information. It comes from Blogcritics.org:
InstaPundit Glenn Reynolds, fascist hatemonger
The Blogosphere has its own little right-wing outpost of disinformation, and a center of it is InstaPundit, authored by Glenn Reynolds. While careful, as is Bill O'Reilly, to execute a few liberal-seeming flourishes here and there, so as to maintain the illusion of neutrality, Reynolds consistently filters the news for his many readers through a conservative strainer, sometimes delivering the Republican National Committee party line almost as reliably as the Washington Times.
Recently the right-wing consensus about the reporting on Arnold Schwarzenegger's "racist connections" was that the charges were hurting the Republican candidate for CA governor, so therefore Cruz Bustamante, his main opponent, needed to suffer a similar accusation. So Reynolds set forth to play his notes on the right-wing Wurlitzer.
As usual, the facts didn't matter. The facts about Schwarzenegger are virtually undisputed. Schwarzenegger made a point of pubilcly praising his friend Kurt Waldheim, even after the ugly facts about Waldheim's past became common knowledge. Schwarzenegger declined to leave or distance himself from the organization U.S. English when the founder and leader of that group was revealed to have written an official (but intended to be secret) memo stating a clear white-supremacist agenda.
These are rather clear "racist connections"--they are not made up, they are not stretched, they are not dragged out from the distant past. The allegations do not attempt to tie Schwarzenegger to a friend of a friend of Waldheim--to this day, Schwarzenegger has refused to personally distance himself from Waldheim. Schwarzenegger could easily remove himself from participation in U.S. English and his implicit association with that group's founder. He has refused.
These stubborn facts, not smears, formed the basis of serious questions about Schwarzenegger's suitability to govern a multi-racial, multi-ethnic state.
Because Schwarzenegger, inexplicably, refused to distance himself from these connections, the right wing needed to smear his opponent with similar charges to level the playing field. Many right-wing researchers set themselves to the task, and they found their nugget of gold in this phrase:
"Por La Raza todo. Fuera de La Raza nada."
That statement was found in a document on a website related to a student group called MEChA that Bustamante once belonged to when he was in college. And the right wing was able to use those nine words to start a very successful smear campaign. How? They simply mistranslated the words.
That's it. That's all it took to get it started.
Prepositions can make for odd Spanish to English translations if you want them to. For example, in Spanish you can walk "por la playa." Walk "for the beach"? Actually, it means walk "on the beach." Or "along the beach." Or maybe even "across the beach."
But it definitely doesn't mean that you are walking "for the beach." Because that doesn't make sense.
"Por" has different meanings in Spanish than "for" does in English. (To make things harder, Spanish has another word that sometimes means "for": "para.")
A correct translation of the nine words would be:
"By means of La Raza, everything. Outside La Raza, nothing."
Or, as Ted Barlow at Crooked Timber points out that MEChA phrases it in their actual slogan, "La union hace la fuerza (Unity creates power)." A very typical sentiment for a club such as MEChA. ("La Raza" also does not translate directly to English as "the race" as English speakers use the term "race.") It is a standard "strength through unity" sentiment that you will also find expressed by Black Student Unions and Gay and Lesbian Alliances and even, oh, let's say, political parties.
However, what if you "translated" the nine words in a way that didn't account for the multiple meanings of "por" in Spanish and the expansive meaning of "La Raza"? What if you claimed the phrase meant "For the race, everything. Outside the race, nothing"? Suddenly the group isn't trying to encourage unity within the group, but instead trying to claim "everything" (in the world?) for itself--for its "race."
And that's kind of...Nazi-like. Bingo.
It was that easy. It didn't matter that if the proficient Spanish speakers of MEChA had meant "for the race" they would have written "para la raza" (the other wouldn't have meant that), or that even a simple-to-do computer translation of "por La Raza" results in "by the race."
Who can be bothered with details? MEChA = KKK, that's the important thing.
And Glenn Reynolds played his part by posting this on August 16:
IF YOU WANT TO BE GOVERNOR OF CALIFORNIA, Tacitus advises, it's best to renounce your past connections to fascist hatemongers.
"Fascist hatemongers"? Did Glenn Reynolds know that there was no credible support for this smear, which he delivered to his tens of thousands of daily readers, and which the rest of the right-wing blogosphere echoed with glee? I don't know. But in a cult, facts don't matter anyway. You play your part. You do what the cult needs. And the cult needed Bustamante to be a racist hypocrite.
Reynolds just played his part.
As did the rest of the right-wing Wurlitzer. Ted Barlow at Crooked Timber writes:
I did a google seach on "For the Race, Everything. For Those Outside the Race, Nothing" and MEChA. Maybe someone can correct me, because I couldn’t find a MEChA site which used that phrase. They seem to think that their slogan is "La union hace la fuerza (Unity creates power)."
I did get a lot of hits, though, from such diverse sources as:
Capitalism magazine
The Conservative Crust
Michelle Malkin
NewsMax
And FrontPage Magazine
Hmm. I wonder why those right-wing sources just happened to have a mistranslation of those nine words...
From this shocking "For the race, everything" point, it was pretty easy to find a link-to-a-link-to-a-link (a familiar tactic), and "discover" that Bustamante was associated with a group listed by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a "hate group." Of course, MEChA isn't listed there (because they really don't advocate hate), but an offensive group called Voz de Aztlán is listed there, and someone who linked to MEChA also linked to Voz de Aztlán, so there you go: Bustamante is associated with a hate group.
(I kid you not, the blogger whom Glenn Reynolds found worthy of linking to on the subject of Bustamante's association with "fascist hatemongers" used the term fellow travelers to make these connections. Know any other fans of Joe McCarthy?)
Through the magic of mistranslation (oops!) and "discovering" that almost any page on the web links-to-a-link-to-a-link to something scandalous, a Latino candidate who has never actually been associated with any racist group becomes the moral equivalent of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who praised Kurt Waldheim at his wedding (and left that praise to stand to this day, unrenounced) and remains an advisor to U.S. English, which was founded by an unabashed white supremacist. Six of one, six of the other, right?
And Glenn Reynolds played his part, only too happy to toss out the words "fascist hatemongers" if it will smear the opposition. Sure, he later linked to people who suggested that Bustamante wasn't associated with fascist hatemongers, but do you really think the goal was to have a discussion that led to the truth?
The point of the right-wing Wurlitzer is to get the stories into the mainstream media, not to convince everyone the stories are true. Inevitably, the stories are not true. But if a false claim about Bustamante can suck up the oxygen in the zero-sum game that media coverage is (there is only so much ink, and only so much air time, and only so much attention on the part of the audience), that's a net win for the right wing.
So score one for InstaPundit Glenn Reynolds, fascist hatemonger.
Why do I call him that? I dunno, I figure I'll find somebody who agrees, and then I'll link to that.
Because that's how it works in the Blogosphere.
Here is an example of how Instapundit, Fox, Michelle Malkin, and others manipulate the truth in order to manipulate the electorate, and one reason I don't check out Instapundit for reliable information. It comes from Blogcritics.org:
InstaPundit Glenn Reynolds, fascist hatemonger
The Blogosphere has its own little right-wing outpost of disinformation, and a center of it is InstaPundit, authored by Glenn Reynolds. While careful, as is Bill O'Reilly, to execute a few liberal-seeming flourishes here and there, so as to maintain the illusion of neutrality, Reynolds consistently filters the news for his many readers through a conservative strainer, sometimes delivering the Republican National Committee party line almost as reliably as the Washington Times.
Recently the right-wing consensus about the reporting on Arnold Schwarzenegger's "racist connections" was that the charges were hurting the Republican candidate for CA governor, so therefore Cruz Bustamante, his main opponent, needed to suffer a similar accusation. So Reynolds set forth to play his notes on the right-wing Wurlitzer.
As usual, the facts didn't matter. The facts about Schwarzenegger are virtually undisputed. Schwarzenegger made a point of pubilcly praising his friend Kurt Waldheim, even after the ugly facts about Waldheim's past became common knowledge. Schwarzenegger declined to leave or distance himself from the organization U.S. English when the founder and leader of that group was revealed to have written an official (but intended to be secret) memo stating a clear white-supremacist agenda.
These are rather clear "racist connections"--they are not made up, they are not stretched, they are not dragged out from the distant past. The allegations do not attempt to tie Schwarzenegger to a friend of a friend of Waldheim--to this day, Schwarzenegger has refused to personally distance himself from Waldheim. Schwarzenegger could easily remove himself from participation in U.S. English and his implicit association with that group's founder. He has refused.
These stubborn facts, not smears, formed the basis of serious questions about Schwarzenegger's suitability to govern a multi-racial, multi-ethnic state.
Because Schwarzenegger, inexplicably, refused to distance himself from these connections, the right wing needed to smear his opponent with similar charges to level the playing field. Many right-wing researchers set themselves to the task, and they found their nugget of gold in this phrase:
"Por La Raza todo. Fuera de La Raza nada."
That statement was found in a document on a website related to a student group called MEChA that Bustamante once belonged to when he was in college. And the right wing was able to use those nine words to start a very successful smear campaign. How? They simply mistranslated the words.
That's it. That's all it took to get it started.
Prepositions can make for odd Spanish to English translations if you want them to. For example, in Spanish you can walk "por la playa." Walk "for the beach"? Actually, it means walk "on the beach." Or "along the beach." Or maybe even "across the beach."
But it definitely doesn't mean that you are walking "for the beach." Because that doesn't make sense.
"Por" has different meanings in Spanish than "for" does in English. (To make things harder, Spanish has another word that sometimes means "for": "para.")
A correct translation of the nine words would be:
"By means of La Raza, everything. Outside La Raza, nothing."
Or, as Ted Barlow at Crooked Timber points out that MEChA phrases it in their actual slogan, "La union hace la fuerza (Unity creates power)." A very typical sentiment for a club such as MEChA. ("La Raza" also does not translate directly to English as "the race" as English speakers use the term "race.") It is a standard "strength through unity" sentiment that you will also find expressed by Black Student Unions and Gay and Lesbian Alliances and even, oh, let's say, political parties.
However, what if you "translated" the nine words in a way that didn't account for the multiple meanings of "por" in Spanish and the expansive meaning of "La Raza"? What if you claimed the phrase meant "For the race, everything. Outside the race, nothing"? Suddenly the group isn't trying to encourage unity within the group, but instead trying to claim "everything" (in the world?) for itself--for its "race."
And that's kind of...Nazi-like. Bingo.
It was that easy. It didn't matter that if the proficient Spanish speakers of MEChA had meant "for the race" they would have written "para la raza" (the other wouldn't have meant that), or that even a simple-to-do computer translation of "por La Raza" results in "by the race."
Who can be bothered with details? MEChA = KKK, that's the important thing.
And Glenn Reynolds played his part by posting this on August 16:
IF YOU WANT TO BE GOVERNOR OF CALIFORNIA, Tacitus advises, it's best to renounce your past connections to fascist hatemongers.
"Fascist hatemongers"? Did Glenn Reynolds know that there was no credible support for this smear, which he delivered to his tens of thousands of daily readers, and which the rest of the right-wing blogosphere echoed with glee? I don't know. But in a cult, facts don't matter anyway. You play your part. You do what the cult needs. And the cult needed Bustamante to be a racist hypocrite.
Reynolds just played his part.
As did the rest of the right-wing Wurlitzer. Ted Barlow at Crooked Timber writes:
I did a google seach on "For the Race, Everything. For Those Outside the Race, Nothing" and MEChA. Maybe someone can correct me, because I couldn’t find a MEChA site which used that phrase. They seem to think that their slogan is "La union hace la fuerza (Unity creates power)."
I did get a lot of hits, though, from such diverse sources as:
Capitalism magazine
The Conservative Crust
Michelle Malkin
NewsMax
And FrontPage Magazine
Hmm. I wonder why those right-wing sources just happened to have a mistranslation of those nine words...
From this shocking "For the race, everything" point, it was pretty easy to find a link-to-a-link-to-a-link (a familiar tactic), and "discover" that Bustamante was associated with a group listed by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a "hate group." Of course, MEChA isn't listed there (because they really don't advocate hate), but an offensive group called Voz de Aztlán is listed there, and someone who linked to MEChA also linked to Voz de Aztlán, so there you go: Bustamante is associated with a hate group.
(I kid you not, the blogger whom Glenn Reynolds found worthy of linking to on the subject of Bustamante's association with "fascist hatemongers" used the term fellow travelers to make these connections. Know any other fans of Joe McCarthy?)
Through the magic of mistranslation (oops!) and "discovering" that almost any page on the web links-to-a-link-to-a-link to something scandalous, a Latino candidate who has never actually been associated with any racist group becomes the moral equivalent of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who praised Kurt Waldheim at his wedding (and left that praise to stand to this day, unrenounced) and remains an advisor to U.S. English, which was founded by an unabashed white supremacist. Six of one, six of the other, right?
And Glenn Reynolds played his part, only too happy to toss out the words "fascist hatemongers" if it will smear the opposition. Sure, he later linked to people who suggested that Bustamante wasn't associated with fascist hatemongers, but do you really think the goal was to have a discussion that led to the truth?
The point of the right-wing Wurlitzer is to get the stories into the mainstream media, not to convince everyone the stories are true. Inevitably, the stories are not true. But if a false claim about Bustamante can suck up the oxygen in the zero-sum game that media coverage is (there is only so much ink, and only so much air time, and only so much attention on the part of the audience), that's a net win for the right wing.
So score one for InstaPundit Glenn Reynolds, fascist hatemonger.
Why do I call him that? I dunno, I figure I'll find somebody who agrees, and then I'll link to that.
Because that's how it works in the Blogosphere.
4 kinds of leaders
I remember reading somewhere about four kinds of staff officers. I will paraphrase what I remember, but if somebody knows the original source please let me know.
Four kinds of staff officers:
1. The hard-working, smart ones. These are the best.
2. The lazy, smart ones. These are next best.
3. The lazy, dumb ones. These are almost the worst but not quite.
4. The hard-working, dumb ones. The worst of the lot.
Why would the hard-working dumb officers be worse than the lazy ones? Because they will get SOMETHING done, and since they are dumb it will likely be the wrong thing and will work against victory on the battlefield. They will devote precious resources and commit troops to courses of action that work against success and make it harder to win, not easier. At least the lazy dumb ones won't do devote as much effort into screwing things up. The lazy smart ones will make fewer mistakes and those efforts they do make will help win. And the hard-working smart ones are best of all for obvious reasons.
I think George W. is a very determined, persistent, committed individual who thinks he is doing the right thing. He isn't evil and wants only the best for America. I don't buy into the left-wing mythos of dark conspiracies and an uncaring, heartless ogre wishing to shrink the middle-class so that he and his cronies can be even richer. I think George W. Bush wants only the best for all Americans. And he is working very hard to ensure his vision for the future will come to pass.
And I think he is a world-class dumbass. He is #4, he is working really hard and doing enormous damage to our nation in the process. He doesn't realize it, and neither do many of his supporters, but we are much worse off with him in charge. He isn't intentionally screwing up, but he sure is screwing up (WMDs, invasion, tax cuts leading to record deficits, job losses, etc. etc. etc.). He needs to go. Kerry might be #1, or #2, or #3, but he damn sure isn't #4.
We need to take this nation back. Please rejoin the American Revolution, won't you?
Four kinds of staff officers:
1. The hard-working, smart ones. These are the best.
2. The lazy, smart ones. These are next best.
3. The lazy, dumb ones. These are almost the worst but not quite.
4. The hard-working, dumb ones. The worst of the lot.
Why would the hard-working dumb officers be worse than the lazy ones? Because they will get SOMETHING done, and since they are dumb it will likely be the wrong thing and will work against victory on the battlefield. They will devote precious resources and commit troops to courses of action that work against success and make it harder to win, not easier. At least the lazy dumb ones won't do devote as much effort into screwing things up. The lazy smart ones will make fewer mistakes and those efforts they do make will help win. And the hard-working smart ones are best of all for obvious reasons.
I think George W. is a very determined, persistent, committed individual who thinks he is doing the right thing. He isn't evil and wants only the best for America. I don't buy into the left-wing mythos of dark conspiracies and an uncaring, heartless ogre wishing to shrink the middle-class so that he and his cronies can be even richer. I think George W. Bush wants only the best for all Americans. And he is working very hard to ensure his vision for the future will come to pass.
And I think he is a world-class dumbass. He is #4, he is working really hard and doing enormous damage to our nation in the process. He doesn't realize it, and neither do many of his supporters, but we are much worse off with him in charge. He isn't intentionally screwing up, but he sure is screwing up (WMDs, invasion, tax cuts leading to record deficits, job losses, etc. etc. etc.). He needs to go. Kerry might be #1, or #2, or #3, but he damn sure isn't #4.
We need to take this nation back. Please rejoin the American Revolution, won't you?
Great Quote
"Patriotism means to stand by the country. It does not mean to stand by the President or any other public official save exactly to the degree in which he himself stands by the country. It is patriotic to support him insofar as he efficiently serves the country. It is unpatriotic not to oppose him to the exact extent that by inefficiency or otherwise he fails in his duty to stand by the country."
-- Theodore Roosevelt
Thanks to PAUL, a fellow vet - I took this great quote from his website. It expresses my rage toward Mr. Bush and the Republicans for pretending that criticism of the President and his failed policies is criticism of the United States. It expresses my rage when those who support the invasion of Iraq can't justify it without speaking of 9/11 and the need for us to defend ourselves, and assume those against the invasion of Iraq must be against fighting Al Queda as well. Bush is not "America," he is a politician and he works for US, we don't work for him.
Mr. Bush is a failure and we need to relieve him of his command and appoint a new commander to take over and win this war. I don't want to fight the war on terror - I want to WIN.
-- Theodore Roosevelt
Thanks to PAUL, a fellow vet - I took this great quote from his website. It expresses my rage toward Mr. Bush and the Republicans for pretending that criticism of the President and his failed policies is criticism of the United States. It expresses my rage when those who support the invasion of Iraq can't justify it without speaking of 9/11 and the need for us to defend ourselves, and assume those against the invasion of Iraq must be against fighting Al Queda as well. Bush is not "America," he is a politician and he works for US, we don't work for him.
Mr. Bush is a failure and we need to relieve him of his command and appoint a new commander to take over and win this war. I don't want to fight the war on terror - I want to WIN.
Funny as hell
http://taint.org.nyud.net:8090/xfer/Daily%20Show%20-%20GWB%20Film%209-1-04.mov (quicktime video format)
THEY CAN'T BOTH BE RIGHT!
Swiftvets is still telling lies about John Kerry. Don't believe me? Then check out their own website where they make charges that cancel each other out in their haste to lie about a veteran's record. Here is the link: http://www.swiftvets.com/staticpages/index.php?page=Fitreps
Here are two quotes only a few paragraphs apart on the Swiftvet's website - I won't comment on them, you decide if the Swiftvets Lying for Bush are telling the truth about both, or one, or none. But if they aren't telling the truth about both why believe their other unsubstantiated allegations? BECAUSE YOU WANT TO, and the truth or falsity is of no concern.
Quote Number 1:
There are also gaps in the documentation made public to date by the Kerry campaign, where NO FITNESS REPORTS ARE PROVIDED AT ALL.
Quote Number 2:
Knowing the above, what do the FITREPs SELECTIVELY RELEASED by the Kerry campaign say about John Kerry as a junior officer in the U.S. Navy?
I'll make it easier:
partial quote number 1: "NO FITNESS REPORTS ARE PROVIDED AT ALL."
partial quote number 2: "FITREPs SELECTIVELY RELEASED"
Here is a link to ALL the military records including fitness reports(not including medical records, which are private and personal):
http://www.johnkerry.com/about/john_kerry/military_records.html
Here is a link to just the fitness reports: http://www.johnkerry.com/pdf/jkmilservice/Fitness_Reports.pdf
Here are two quotes only a few paragraphs apart on the Swiftvet's website - I won't comment on them, you decide if the Swiftvets Lying for Bush are telling the truth about both, or one, or none. But if they aren't telling the truth about both why believe their other unsubstantiated allegations? BECAUSE YOU WANT TO, and the truth or falsity is of no concern.
Quote Number 1:
There are also gaps in the documentation made public to date by the Kerry campaign, where NO FITNESS REPORTS ARE PROVIDED AT ALL.
Quote Number 2:
Knowing the above, what do the FITREPs SELECTIVELY RELEASED by the Kerry campaign say about John Kerry as a junior officer in the U.S. Navy?
I'll make it easier:
partial quote number 1: "NO FITNESS REPORTS ARE PROVIDED AT ALL."
partial quote number 2: "FITREPs SELECTIVELY RELEASED"
Here is a link to ALL the military records including fitness reports(not including medical records, which are private and personal):
http://www.johnkerry.com/about/john_kerry/military_records.html
Here is a link to just the fitness reports: http://www.johnkerry.com/pdf/jkmilservice/Fitness_Reports.pdf
Saturday, September 04, 2004
A poem from the past - a poem for our times
"From a German War Primer"
by berthold brecht
Amongst the highly placed,
It is considered low to talk about food
The fact is they have already eaten
The lowly must leave this earth
Without having tasted any good meat
For wondering where they come from and where they are going
The evenings find them too exhausted
They have not yet seen the mountains and the great sea
When their time is already up
If the lowly do not think about what is low, they will never rise
The bread of the hungry has all been eaten
Meat has become unknown, useless
The pouring out of the people's sweat
The laurel groves have been locked down
From the chimneys of the arms factories
The house painter speaks of great times to come
The forests still grow
The fields still bare, the city still stands
The people still breathe
On the calendar the day is not yet shown
Every month, every day, lies open still
One of those days is going to be marked with a cross
The workers cry out for bread, the merchants cry out for markets
The unemployed were hungry,
The employed are hungry now
The hands that lay folded are busy again, they are making shells
Those that take meat from the table, teach contentment
Those for whom the contribution is destined demand sacrifice
Thoese that take their fill speak to the hungry of wonderful times to come
Those who lead the country into the abyss, call ruling too difficult for ordinary men
When the leaders speak of peace, the common folk know that war is coming
When the leaders curse war, the mobilization order is already written out
Those at the top say, peace and war are of different substance
But their peace and their war are like wind and storm,
War grows from their peace, like son from his mother
He bears her frightful features,
Their war kills whatever their peace has left over
On the wall was chalked
They want war
The man who wrote it has already fallen
Those at the top say, this way to glory
Those down below say this way to the grave
The war which is coming is not the first one
There were other wars before it
When the last one came to an end
There were conquerors and conquered
Among the conquered, the common people starved
Among the conquerors,
The common people starved too
Those at the top say
Comradeship reigns in the army
The truth of this is seen in the cookhouse
In their hearts should be the self-same courage
But on their plates are two kinds of rations
When it comes to marching
Many do not know that their enemy is marching at their head
The voice which gives them orders
Is their enemy's voice
The man who speaks of the enemy is the enemy himself
It is not the married couples who lie in their beds
The young women will bear orphans
General your tank is a powerful vehicle
It smashes down forests and crushes a hundred men
But it has one defect
It needs a driver
General your bomber is powerful
It flies faster than a storm
And carries more than an elephant
But it has one defect:
It needs a mechanic
General, man is very useful,
He can fly and he can kill but he has one defect:
He can think
by berthold brecht
Amongst the highly placed,
It is considered low to talk about food
The fact is they have already eaten
The lowly must leave this earth
Without having tasted any good meat
For wondering where they come from and where they are going
The evenings find them too exhausted
They have not yet seen the mountains and the great sea
When their time is already up
If the lowly do not think about what is low, they will never rise
The bread of the hungry has all been eaten
Meat has become unknown, useless
The pouring out of the people's sweat
The laurel groves have been locked down
From the chimneys of the arms factories
The house painter speaks of great times to come
The forests still grow
The fields still bare, the city still stands
The people still breathe
On the calendar the day is not yet shown
Every month, every day, lies open still
One of those days is going to be marked with a cross
The workers cry out for bread, the merchants cry out for markets
The unemployed were hungry,
The employed are hungry now
The hands that lay folded are busy again, they are making shells
Those that take meat from the table, teach contentment
Those for whom the contribution is destined demand sacrifice
Thoese that take their fill speak to the hungry of wonderful times to come
Those who lead the country into the abyss, call ruling too difficult for ordinary men
When the leaders speak of peace, the common folk know that war is coming
When the leaders curse war, the mobilization order is already written out
Those at the top say, peace and war are of different substance
But their peace and their war are like wind and storm,
War grows from their peace, like son from his mother
He bears her frightful features,
Their war kills whatever their peace has left over
On the wall was chalked
They want war
The man who wrote it has already fallen
Those at the top say, this way to glory
Those down below say this way to the grave
The war which is coming is not the first one
There were other wars before it
When the last one came to an end
There were conquerors and conquered
Among the conquered, the common people starved
Among the conquerors,
The common people starved too
Those at the top say
Comradeship reigns in the army
The truth of this is seen in the cookhouse
In their hearts should be the self-same courage
But on their plates are two kinds of rations
When it comes to marching
Many do not know that their enemy is marching at their head
The voice which gives them orders
Is their enemy's voice
The man who speaks of the enemy is the enemy himself
It is not the married couples who lie in their beds
The young women will bear orphans
General your tank is a powerful vehicle
It smashes down forests and crushes a hundred men
But it has one defect
It needs a driver
General your bomber is powerful
It flies faster than a storm
And carries more than an elephant
But it has one defect:
It needs a mechanic
General, man is very useful,
He can fly and he can kill but he has one defect:
He can think
Thursday, September 02, 2004
We can put the triumphs of the Clinton era safely behind us
This was supposed to be funny when it came out in the Onion (a satirical weekly found at www.onion.com) in January of 2001 when Bush was 2 days away from the presidency. read it now and see what you think - was it satire or prophecy:
BUSH: 'OUR LONG NATIONAL NIGHTMARE OF PEACE AND PROSPERITY IS FINALLY OVER'
Jan. 18, 2001
WASHINGTON, DC—Mere days from assuming the presidency and closing the door on eight years of Bill Clinton, president-elect George W. Bush assured the nation in a televised address Tuesday that "our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is finally over."
"My fellow Americans," Bush said, "at long last, we have reached the end of the dark period in American history that will come to be known as the Clinton Era, eight long years characterized by unprecedented economic expansion, a sharp decrease in crime, and sustained peace overseas. The time has come to put all of that behind us."
Bush swore to do "everything in [his] power" to undo the damage wrought by Clinton's two terms in office, including selling off the national parks to developers, going into massive debt to develop expensive and impractical weapons technologies, and passing sweeping budget cuts that drive the mentally ill out of hospitals and onto the street.
During the 40-minute speech, Bush also promised to bring an end to the severe war drought that plagued the nation under Clinton, assuring citizens that the U.S. will engage in at least one Gulf War-level armed conflict in the next four years.
"You better believe we're going to mix it up with somebody at some point during my administration," said Bush, who plans a 250 percent boost in military spending. "Unlike my predecessor, I am fully committed to putting soldiers in battle situations. Otherwise, what is the point of even having a military?"
On the economic side, Bush vowed to bring back economic stagnation by implementing substantial tax cuts, which would lead to a recession, which would necessitate a tax hike, which would lead to a drop in consumer spending, which would lead to layoffs, which would deepen the recession even further.
Wall Street responded strongly to the Bush speech, with the Dow Jones industrial average fluctuating wildly before closing at an 18-month low. The NASDAQ composite index, rattled by a gloomy outlook for tech stocks in 2001, also fell sharply, losing 4.4 percent of its total value between 3 p.m. and the closing bell.
Asked for comment about the cooling technology sector, Bush said: That's hardly my area of expertise."
Turning to the subject of the environment, Bush said he will do whatever it takes to undo the tremendous damage not done by the Clinton Administration to the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. He assured citizens that he will follow through on his campaign promise to open the 1.5 million acre refuge's coastal plain to oil drilling. As a sign of his commitment to bringing about a change in the environment, he pointed to his choice of Gale Norton for Secretary of the Interior. Norton, Bush noted, has "extensive experience" fighting environmental causes, working as a lobbyist for lead-paint manufacturers and as an attorney for loggers and miners, in addition to suing the EPA to overturn clean-air standards.
Bush had equally high praise for Attorney General nominee John Ashcroft, whom he praised as "a tireless champion in the battle to "protect a woman's right to give birth."
"Soon, with John Ashcroft's help, we will move out of the Dark Ages and into a more enlightened time when a woman will be free to think long and hard before trying to fight her way past throngs of protesters blocking her entrance to an abortion clinic," Bush said. "We as a nation can look forward to lots and lots of babies."
Continued Bush: "John Ashcroft will be invaluable in healing the terrible wedge President Clinton drove between church and state."
The speech was met with overwhelming approval from Republican leaders.
"Finally, the horrific misrule of the Democrats has been brought to a close," House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert (R-IL) told reporters. "Under Bush, we can all look forward to military aggression, deregulation of dangerous, greedy industries, and the defunding of vital domestic social-service programs upon which millions depend. Mercifully, we can now say goodbye to the awful nightmare that was Clinton's America."
"For years, I tirelessly preached the message that Clinton must be stopped," conservative talk-radio host Rush Limbaugh said. "And yet, in 1996, the American public failed to heed my urgent warnings, re-electing Clinton despite the fact that the nation was prosperous and at peace under his regime. But now, thank God, that's all done with. Once again, we will enjoy mounting debt, jingoism, nuclear paranoia, mass deficit, and a massive military build-up."
An overwhelming 49.9 percent of Americans responded enthusiastically to the Bush speech.
"After eight years of relatively sane fiscal policy under the Democrats, we have reached a point where, just a few weeks ago, President Clinton said that the national debt could be paid off by as early as 2012," Rahway, NJ, machinist and father of three Bud Crandall said. "That's not the kind of world I want my children to grow up in."
"You have no idea what it's like to be black and enfranchised," said Marlon Hastings, one of thousands of Miami-Dade County residents whose votes were not counted in the 2000 presidential election. "George W. Bush understands the pain of enfranchisement, and ever since Election Day, he has fought tirelessly to make sure it never happens to my people again."
Bush concluded his speech on a note of healing and redemption. "We as a people must stand united, banding together to tear this nation in two," Bush said. "Much work lies ahead of us: The gap between the rich and the poor may be wide, but there's much more widening left to do. We must squander our nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15 percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it."
"The insanity is over," Bush said. "After a long, dark night of peace and stability, the sun is finally rising again over America. We look forward to a bright new dawn not seen since the glory days of my dad."
BUSH: 'OUR LONG NATIONAL NIGHTMARE OF PEACE AND PROSPERITY IS FINALLY OVER'
Jan. 18, 2001
WASHINGTON, DC—Mere days from assuming the presidency and closing the door on eight years of Bill Clinton, president-elect George W. Bush assured the nation in a televised address Tuesday that "our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is finally over."
"My fellow Americans," Bush said, "at long last, we have reached the end of the dark period in American history that will come to be known as the Clinton Era, eight long years characterized by unprecedented economic expansion, a sharp decrease in crime, and sustained peace overseas. The time has come to put all of that behind us."
Bush swore to do "everything in [his] power" to undo the damage wrought by Clinton's two terms in office, including selling off the national parks to developers, going into massive debt to develop expensive and impractical weapons technologies, and passing sweeping budget cuts that drive the mentally ill out of hospitals and onto the street.
During the 40-minute speech, Bush also promised to bring an end to the severe war drought that plagued the nation under Clinton, assuring citizens that the U.S. will engage in at least one Gulf War-level armed conflict in the next four years.
"You better believe we're going to mix it up with somebody at some point during my administration," said Bush, who plans a 250 percent boost in military spending. "Unlike my predecessor, I am fully committed to putting soldiers in battle situations. Otherwise, what is the point of even having a military?"
On the economic side, Bush vowed to bring back economic stagnation by implementing substantial tax cuts, which would lead to a recession, which would necessitate a tax hike, which would lead to a drop in consumer spending, which would lead to layoffs, which would deepen the recession even further.
Wall Street responded strongly to the Bush speech, with the Dow Jones industrial average fluctuating wildly before closing at an 18-month low. The NASDAQ composite index, rattled by a gloomy outlook for tech stocks in 2001, also fell sharply, losing 4.4 percent of its total value between 3 p.m. and the closing bell.
Asked for comment about the cooling technology sector, Bush said: That's hardly my area of expertise."
Turning to the subject of the environment, Bush said he will do whatever it takes to undo the tremendous damage not done by the Clinton Administration to the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. He assured citizens that he will follow through on his campaign promise to open the 1.5 million acre refuge's coastal plain to oil drilling. As a sign of his commitment to bringing about a change in the environment, he pointed to his choice of Gale Norton for Secretary of the Interior. Norton, Bush noted, has "extensive experience" fighting environmental causes, working as a lobbyist for lead-paint manufacturers and as an attorney for loggers and miners, in addition to suing the EPA to overturn clean-air standards.
Bush had equally high praise for Attorney General nominee John Ashcroft, whom he praised as "a tireless champion in the battle to "protect a woman's right to give birth."
"Soon, with John Ashcroft's help, we will move out of the Dark Ages and into a more enlightened time when a woman will be free to think long and hard before trying to fight her way past throngs of protesters blocking her entrance to an abortion clinic," Bush said. "We as a nation can look forward to lots and lots of babies."
Continued Bush: "John Ashcroft will be invaluable in healing the terrible wedge President Clinton drove between church and state."
The speech was met with overwhelming approval from Republican leaders.
"Finally, the horrific misrule of the Democrats has been brought to a close," House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert (R-IL) told reporters. "Under Bush, we can all look forward to military aggression, deregulation of dangerous, greedy industries, and the defunding of vital domestic social-service programs upon which millions depend. Mercifully, we can now say goodbye to the awful nightmare that was Clinton's America."
"For years, I tirelessly preached the message that Clinton must be stopped," conservative talk-radio host Rush Limbaugh said. "And yet, in 1996, the American public failed to heed my urgent warnings, re-electing Clinton despite the fact that the nation was prosperous and at peace under his regime. But now, thank God, that's all done with. Once again, we will enjoy mounting debt, jingoism, nuclear paranoia, mass deficit, and a massive military build-up."
An overwhelming 49.9 percent of Americans responded enthusiastically to the Bush speech.
"After eight years of relatively sane fiscal policy under the Democrats, we have reached a point where, just a few weeks ago, President Clinton said that the national debt could be paid off by as early as 2012," Rahway, NJ, machinist and father of three Bud Crandall said. "That's not the kind of world I want my children to grow up in."
"You have no idea what it's like to be black and enfranchised," said Marlon Hastings, one of thousands of Miami-Dade County residents whose votes were not counted in the 2000 presidential election. "George W. Bush understands the pain of enfranchisement, and ever since Election Day, he has fought tirelessly to make sure it never happens to my people again."
Bush concluded his speech on a note of healing and redemption. "We as a people must stand united, banding together to tear this nation in two," Bush said. "Much work lies ahead of us: The gap between the rich and the poor may be wide, but there's much more widening left to do. We must squander our nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15 percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it."
"The insanity is over," Bush said. "After a long, dark night of peace and stability, the sun is finally rising again over America. We look forward to a bright new dawn not seen since the glory days of my dad."
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